Children’s rights

Summary

This transcript contains speeches from world leaders at the 79th session of the United Nations General Assembly, addressing global challenges and international cooperation. The speakers emphasized the importance of multilateralism, peace, and adherence to the UN Charter in addressing conflicts and crises around the world. Many leaders expressed concern over ongoing conflicts, particularly in Ukraine, the Middle East, and Africa, calling for diplomatic solutions and ceasefire agreements. Climate change was highlighted as a critical global threat, with calls for increased climate finance and support for developing nations. Several speakers advocated for reform of the UN Security Council to better reflect current global realities and improve its effectiveness. The need to achieve the Sustainable Development Goals and address global inequality was a recurring theme. Leaders discussed the challenges posed by new technologies, including artificial intelligence, and the need for international cooperation in governing their development and use. Many speakers emphasized the importance of gender equality and women’s rights, with some calling for the next UN Secretary-General to be a woman. The speeches reflected a shared concern over the state of global affairs and a collective desire to strengthen international cooperation to address pressing challenges. Despite acknowledging the difficulties faced by the international community, many leaders expressed hope and determination in working together to build a more peaceful, just, and sustainable world.

Keypoints

Major discussion points:

– Calls for peace and ceasefire in ongoing conflicts, especially in Ukraine, Gaza, and the Middle East

– Need for UN and Security Council reform to better represent current global realities

– Climate change and environmental challenges as major threats requiring collective action

– Importance of multilateralism and international cooperation to address global issues

– Concerns about economic inequality, development challenges, and the need for financial system reform

Overall purpose/goal:

The overall purpose of this General Assembly debate was for world leaders to address the most pressing global challenges, reaffirm commitment to multilateralism and the UN system, and call for collective action on issues like conflict resolution, climate change, and sustainable development.

Tone:

The overall tone was one of concern and urgency regarding global crises and challenges, but also determination and calls for hope and cooperation. Many speakers emphasized the need to move beyond divisions and work together. While acknowledging serious problems, the tone was generally constructive, with leaders proposing solutions and reaffirming commitment to international cooperation.

Speakers

– President: President of the General Assembly

– Wesley Simina: President and Head of Government of the Federated States of Micronesia

– Prithvirajsing Roopun: President of the Republic of Mauritius

– Charles Michel: President of the European Council of the European Union

– Tiémoko Meyliet Koné: Vice President of the Republic of Cote d’Ivoire

– Dick Schoof: Prime Minister of the Kingdom of the Netherlands

– Nikol Pashinyan: Prime Minister of the Republic of Armenia

– Mohammed Shia’ Al Sudani: Prime Minister of the Republic of Iraq

– Kyriakos Mitsotakis: Prime Minister of the Hellenic Republic

– Keir Starmer: Prime Minister and First Lord of the Treasury of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland

– K.P. Sharma Oli: Prime Minister of Nepal

– Winston Peters: Deputy Prime Minister, Minister for Foreign Affairs and Minister for Racing of New Zealand

– Mbae Mohamed: Minister for Foreign Affairs and International Cooperation, responsible for the Arab world, diaspora, the Francophonie, and African integration of the Comoros

– Dominique Hasler: Minister for Foreign Affairs, Education, and Sport of Liechtenstein

– Maria Malmer Stenergard: Minister for Foreign Affairs of Sweden

– Alexander Schallenberg: Federal Minister for European and International Affairs of Austria

РArnoldo Ricardo Andr̩ Tinoco: Minister for Foreign Affairs and Worship of Costa Rica

– Annalena Baerbock: Federal Minister for Foreign Affairs of Germany

– Abdallah Bouhabib: Minister for Foreign Affairs and Emigrants of Lebanon

– Elmer Schialer Salcedo: Minister for Foreign Affairs of Peru

Additional speakers:

– António Guterres: Secretary-General of the United Nations (mentioned but did not speak)

The 79th session of the United Nations General Assembly brought together world leaders to address pressing global challenges and reaffirm their commitment to international cooperation. The discussions centred around several key themes, including international peace and security, UN reform and multilateralism, climate change and sustainable development, human rights, and economic development and inequality.

International Peace and Security

A primary focus of the debate was the ongoing conflicts in various regions, particularly in Ukraine, Gaza, and the broader Middle East. Many speakers condemned Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, with Dick Schoof of the Netherlands and Maria Malmer Stenergard of Sweden expressing strong support for Ukraine’s sovereignty and territorial integrity. The Israel-Hamas conflict received significant attention, with several speakers addressing the October 7th attack and its impact on the region. Kyriakos Mitsotakis of Greece called for an immediate ceasefire and humanitarian aid in Gaza, stating, “The humanitarian situation in Gaza is dire and requires our immediate attention.” Annalena Baerbock of Germany emphasised the need for Hamas to release hostages, sharing a poignant anecdote about a hostage family finding empathy even in tragedy. The broader Israel-Palestine conflict was addressed by several speakers, with Elmer Schialer Salcedo of Peru advocating for a two-state solution. Abdallah Bouhabib of Lebanon highlighted the need for a diplomatic solution to tensions along the Israel-Lebanon border, emphasizing the impact of the conflict on Lebanon’s stability and economy.

UN Reform and Multilateralism

There was widespread agreement on the need to reform the United Nations, particularly the Security Council. Charles Michel of the European Union vividly described the Security Council as “increasingly stillborn, like a zombie,” emphasising the urgent need for reform to make it more representative and effective. He proposed specific changes, including limiting veto power and increasing transparency. Kyriakos Mitsotakis of Greece supported expanding both permanent and non-permanent Security Council seats, suggesting that “a more inclusive Council would better reflect the realities of our multipolar world.” Keir Starmer of the United Kingdom called for broader institutional reforms, while Annalena Baerbock of Germany made a notable call for the next UN Secretary-General to be a woman, highlighting the importance of gender equality in international leadership.

Climate Change and Sustainable Development

Climate change was recognised as a critical global threat, with many speakers calling for increased action and support for developing nations. K.P. Sharma Oli of Nepal highlighted the particular vulnerabilities of mountain regions, stating, “The impacts of climate change on our glaciers and ecosystems threaten not just Nepal, but billions who depend on our water resources.” Elmer Schialer Salcedo of Peru voiced support for a loss and damage fund to address climate impacts, emphasizing the need for concrete action beyond rhetoric. The importance of ocean conservation and the blue economy was also highlighted, reflecting the diverse challenges faced by different nations.

Human Rights and Democracy

Several speakers addressed human rights concerns and the importance of upholding democratic principles. Maria Malmer Stenergard of Sweden highlighted the need to address digital threats to democracy, stating, “We must work together to combat disinformation and protect the integrity of our democratic processes in the digital age.” Dominique Hasler of Liechtenstein raised concerns about human rights situations in Afghanistan and Iran, calling for international action to protect vulnerable populations.

Economic Development and Inequality

The need to address global economic inequality and reform the international financial system was a recurring theme. Prithvirajsing Roopun of Mauritius called for reform of the international financial architecture, emphasizing the unique challenges faced by small island developing states. Mohammed Shia’ Al Sudani of Iraq highlighted the erosion of international norms and institutions, emphasising the need for debt relief and concessional financing for developing countries. He stated, “The current global economic system perpetuates inequality and hinders the development of many nations.” Keir Starmer of the United Kingdom proposed using his country’s position on the boards of the IMF and World Bank to advocate for a bolder approach to tackling unsustainable debt, linking financial reform to concrete development outcomes such as healthcare and education. Elmer Schialer Salcedo of Peru focused on the importance of poverty reduction and social protection programmes, sharing specific initiatives from his country.

Emerging Challenges and Opportunities

Several speakers addressed the challenges and opportunities presented by new technologies. Elmer Schialer Salcedo highlighted the importance of the Global Digital Compact in addressing issues such as cybersecurity and digital inclusion. Maria Malmer Stenergard of Sweden emphasized the need to harness technology for sustainable development while mitigating its potential negative impacts on democracy and human rights.

Conclusion

The General Assembly debate reflected a shared concern over the state of global affairs and a collective desire to strengthen international cooperation. Despite acknowledging the significant challenges faced by the international community, many leaders expressed hope and determination in working together to build a more peaceful, just, and sustainable world. The discussions highlighted the need for concrete actions and reforms across various domains of global governance to address pressing challenges effectively. As Charles Michel aptly summarized, “The time for words is over. Now is the time for action.”

President: The 12th plenary meeting of the General Assembly is called to order. The Assembly will hear an address by His Excellency Wesley W. Simina, President and Head of Government of the Federated States of Micronesia. I request for the call to escort His Excellency and invite him to address the Assembly.

Wesley Simina – Micronesia: Mr. President, Mr. Secretary General, Excellencies, Ladies and Gentlemen, On behalf of the people and government of Micronesia, I extend a warm camaraderie. Camaraderie back home was coined as a national greeting that combines the diverse languages of all our islands. Camaraderie represents the spirit of unity and solidarity that lies at the heart of my country and people. And that same spirit is equally important in the context of multilateralism here at the United Nations. In a world where global challenges require collective action, camaraderie reminds us that through our strengths and solutions come from our ability to come together. Just as the four states of Micronesia. come together under one banner, our international community must come together in order to progress peace, prosperity, and sustainable development we all wish to see as envisioned in the Pact for the Future. After traveling thousands of miles from my Convention with my delegation, I am honored to participate in this 79th session of the United Nations General Assembly. I congratulate you, Mr. President, on your election as President of the General Assembly, and I assure you of my delegation’s support for your leadership. I also acknowledge our outgoing President of the 78th session for the impactful work he had carried out during his term. I must also pay tribute to our Secretary General, who recently joined us in the Pacific for the Pacific Islands Forum Leaders’ Meeting. We deeply appreciate your tireless efforts to strengthen our United Nations as a vital instrument for achieving our shared goals. Mr. President, since the time my Convention became a member of the United Nations in September 1991, we have been grappling with the severe impacts of climate change. I cannot emphasize enough how it is the single greatest threat to our home. Even as I speak today, we are currently in a state of emergency due to the extended drought facing my nation. For us, every degree, every inch of sea level rise, drought, and every delay matters. We continue to call on our global community to step up with stronger and urgent action. Mr. President, I raise an important topic that relates to our island’s ability to adapt to and survive the increasing impacts of climate change. Time is running out to prevent average global temperature from surpassing 1.5 degrees. We are already at 1.5 degrees. According to the latest science, the 1.5 degrees cold is the safety limit for our small islands. Beyond that lies a danger zone with deadly heat that will cost lives, impact our food and water systems, and will drown many of our low-lying islands. Carbon dioxide stays in the atmosphere for hundreds of years, so while it is critical for the world to cut those emissions, the benefits of those cuts will not be felt until later this century. We need to control temperatures now. We call upon the larger emitters to prioritize reduction of the non-CO2 pollutants, especially medane, fluorinated gases, and black carbon. The IPCC and more recent scientific reports explain that this is the only way. So I urge all of us to take greater action now. I call on all parties to the Paris Agreement to include ambitious non-CO2 goals and measures in their 2025 round of MDCs. As we take action on non-CO2 pollutants, we also need all countries to come together and agree on a global plan to transition away from fossil fuels in a fair, just, and equitable manner. In this connection, I am announcing that my Commission endorses the Fossil Fuel Non-Proliferation Treaty Initiative. We must accelerate all our efforts to tackle the climate crisis. Mr. President, the health of our ocean is deteriorating due to the effects of climate change and greenhouse gas emissions. One of the most hard-hitting issues we are confronted with is sea level rise. I am very pleased that the General Assembly is hosting for the first time a high-level meeting on sea level rise this week. Sea level rise poses a significant threat to the livelihoods, well-being, and security of our small island nations, communities, and ecosystems. However, this climate crisis does not jeopardize our statehood or sovereignty, nor does it diminish our rights under international law. Leaders from the Pacific Islands Forum, or PIF, and the Alliance of Small Island States, or AOSES, have affirmed that our maritime zones, as recognized by the UN Convention of the Law of the Sea, will remain valid despite physical changes due to climate change. We emphasize that the statehood and sovereignty of PIF and AOSES members will endure, along with the associated rights and responsibilities, including the protection of our citizens, regardless of the impacts of sea level rise. Mr. President, the International Seabed Authority is currently negotiating its draft Exploitation Regulations, and Micronesia is adopting a careful approach on seabed mining. We will consider all relevant factors regarding this matter and will join the TELENOA being organized this year by the Pacific Islands Forum. Micronesia joins other nations in emphasizing the necessity of comprehensive knowledge, data, and scientific understanding of the marine environment and the impacts of deep sea mining before any exploitation takes place. We urge the ISA to finalize all relevant regulations, standards, and guidelines for its mining code prior to exploitation. Additionally, it is crucial that all stakeholders, including adjacent coastal states, indigenous peoples, and local communities in the Pacific are consulted and their perspectives considered before any exploitation occurs. Mr. President, Micronesia is pleased with the adoption of the United Nations BB&J agreement. I was the first leader to sign the BB&J agreement here in New York a year ago, and among the first to deposit our instrument of ratification. Currently, over 90 countries have signed, and we wish that all will sign. I urge others to sign ratification so that we can operationalize the BB&J agreement. We look forward to the preparatory commission to begin its important work soon. Mr. President, the international community is set to adopt a legally binding treaty to end plastic pollution, including in the marine environment in Busan, Republic of Korea, later this year. This treaty must address plastic pollution at its source, plastic production, particularly primary plastic polymers derived from fossil fuels. Micronesia’s Bridge to Busan Declaration, launched earlier this year, calls for international support to regulate plastics production in the treaty. As negotiations near completion, we urge global banking for the declaration to ensure the treaty includes strong measures to curb plastic production and tackle both pollution and climate change. If we do not address the unsustainable production of primary plastic polymers, then the global goal of ending plastic pollution by 2040 and limiting the average temperature rise to less than 1.5 degrees Celsius cannot be achieved. Mr. President, Micronesia plays a vital role in the Pacific Islands Forum 2050 Strategy for the Blue Pacific Continent. As part of the large oceanic countries and territories, we are custodians of nearly 20 percent of the Earth’s surface, placing immense cultural and spiritual value on our ocean and land as a shared heritage. Our leaders’ commitments Our commitment to the 2050 focus on preserving and protecting our oceans and ensuring a sustainable future for our children. My Corniche is dedicated to reducing and preventing the causes and impacts of climate change and sea level rise. With the support of our partners, we are committed to achieving net zero carbon emissions by 2050. We pledge to safeguard the future of our people by protecting our sovereignty, maritime zones and resources, especially in the face of climate-induced sea level rise. Mr. President, the health of our people is crucial to my Corniche’s nation’s building. Non-communicable diseases, NCDs, significantly undermine our nation’s well-being. NCDs hinder workforce productivity and contribute to poverty. Unfortunately, the Pacific has some of the highest rates of these diseases, with my Corniche ranking among the top countries. In 2016, NCDs accounted for 75% of all deaths in my Corniche. Recognizing this national health emergency, my Corniche has taken decisive action. Since 1995, we have participated in WHO’s Healthy Islands Initiative, focusing on health protection, risk reduction, and promoting healthy lifestyles. We developed a national NCD action plan in 2006, and the Pacific NCD roadmap has guided our efforts since 2014. In 2022, we reaffirm our commitment to securing the well-being of our people through the 2050 strategy for the Blue Pacific continent. Our fight against NCDs is key to building a healthier, stronger future for my Corniche. However, despite decades of effort under the Healthy Islands Initiative, NCDs continue to pose a serious challenge in my Corniche. The persistence of these diseases warrants the need for renewed support. Prithvirajsing Roopun, Charles Michel, Kyriakos Mitsotakis, K.P. Sharma Oli, Winston Peters, K.P. Sharma Oli, Winston Peters, Mbae Mohamed, Dominique Hasler, K.P. Sharma Oli, Winston Peters, N.J. Mr. President, we have a new crisis that we will address. We are working together to make sure that we can move forward to a healthier and more resilient future. Mr. President, as we gather today, we are reminded of the importance of global peace and security, particularly in light of the ongoing conflicts in Ukraine and between Israel and Palestine. My Knesset reaffirms its unwavering commitment to peace and dialogue. We condemn the invasions of Ukraine and the killing of Indian civilians. We also condemn the attack by Hamas on Israeli citizens on October 7th. And we believe that every nation has the right to defend its people and territory. We urge for the immediate and safe release of hostages and cessation of hostilities. And I urge all parties to work towards a peaceful resolution. It is our profound hope that both Israel and Palestine can resume meaningful negotiations with the goal of establishing two states living side-by-side in peace and security with clear and recognized borders. We commend the constructive efforts of the United States, Egypt, and Qatar in supporting the peace process. And we remain hopeful that through diplomacy and cooperation, lasting peace can be achieved. My Knesset remains committed that the protection of innocent civilians everywhere is of paramount importance as peace can only be sustained when the lives and dignity of all people are protected. Mr. President, my Knesset joins Pacific Island nations in advocating for the establishment of a special representative for climate, peace, and security, emphasizing that climate change is a significant global security threat. The UN system, particularly the Security Council, must adapt to address the challenges posed by the climate crisis in a comprehensive and coordinated manner. Currently, the Council struggles to effectively tackle major peace and security issues, highlighting the need for comprehensive reform. This reform should make the Council more effective, inclusive, transparent, and accountable. It must reflect the realities of today rather than those of 1945. It is time for permanent membership of the Security Council to be expanded to include Japan, India, Germany, Brazil, and representation from the African continent. Additionally, it is crucial to amplify the voices of underrepresented regions, such as small island developing states, in our reformed Council. Mr. President, in today’s complex global landscape, strengthening the multilateral system for an inclusive, interdisciplinary UN is essential. Support for multi-country offices that represent the UN on the ground must be reinforced to assist vulnerable nations in fully implementing the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development. Additionally, the coordination role of resident coordinators should be supported and strengthened. For small island developing states, our reliance on stable international assistance for development cannot be overstated. We need sustainable financing from donor partners and international financial institutions. It is no surprise that SEADS has led the charge for a more inclusive global financial architecture. The recently adopted Multi-Vulnerability Index, or MVI, is a crucial tool providing a comprehensive understanding of the unique challenges faced by SIDS. The next step is to implement the MVI in a way that addresses our specific needs. Mr. President, the special case of SIDS in the context of climate change and sustainable development and our particular vulnerability to natural disasters and external shocks must be supported by an increase in climate finance and investment, including new and additional climate finance. We call on developed countries to fulfill their commitments in this regard. Mr. President, gender equality is vital for national building and effective governance. By acceding to the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women, or CEDAW, my country has committed to achieving gender parity. We have also endorsed the Pacific Leaders’ Gender Equality Declaration and established a national gender policy. Strengthening gender equality is a priority within my administration, and I have nominated more women to key roles, including my Cabinet, to address the imbalance in government. In our historic achievement, three women were recently elected to our 14-member Congress, marking a significant milestone for representation. With these steps, my country is moving towards a stronger and more inclusive future. Mr. President, today we stand at a critical crossroads, where the future of our planet rests in the hands of our youth. It is not enough to speak of change. We must empower the next generation to lead it. Our young people are innovators, the visionaries and the problem solvers who will carry the torch of climate action and global justice. But they cannot do it alone. We must invest in their education and well-being, nurture their leadership and character. We must give them the tools to build a resilient, sustainable world. As leaders, we must ensure that our youth are not the inheritors of a dying planet, but are the co-architects of its transformation. In closing, Mr. President, the challenges we face, from climate change to conflict, from the health of our oceans to the well-being of our people, demand urgent and unified action. Let us not be discouraged by the magnitude of the tasks before us, but instead be inspired by the opportunity we have to reshape our world for the better. The spirit of camaraderie teaches us that strength lies in unity, and in that spirit, I call on all of you to join me in the spirit of camaraderie. called on every nation represented here to act decisively with courage and compassion. Let us work together with resolve and prioritize the protection of our planet, our people, and our future. The time for action is now. Let this assembly be remembered not for words spoken, but for deeds done, for promises kept, and for the lasting legacy we leave for our generations to come. As we were so rightly reminded of at the opening of the Summit of the Future by the youth representative from South Sudan, the future is for the youth to forge, not for us to cling on to. My Krenesha is ready to play its part, and I urge all of you to join us in this collective effort so that together we can fuel the world where peace, prosperity, and sustainability are not just aspirations, but realities for all of us. As enshrined in the preamble of our FSM Constitution, and I quote, our ancestors who made their homes on these islands displaced no other people. We will remain, wish no other home than this. Having known war, we hope for peace. Having been divided, we wish unity. Having been ruled, we seek freedom. We extend to all nations what we seek from each, peace, friendship, cooperation, and love in our common humanity. I thank you, and I leave you with Gamerali. Thank you very much.

President: On behalf of the assembly, I wish to thank the President and Head of Government of the Federated States of Micronesia. The assembly will hear an address by His Excellency Prithvirajsing Roopun, President of the Republic of Mauritius.

Prithvirajsing Roopun – Mauritius: I request protocol to escort His Excellency and invite him to address the assembly. Your Excellency, Mr. Philemon Yang, President of the General Assembly. Your Excellency, Mr. António Guterres, Secretary-General of the United Nations, Excellencies, distinguished delegates, good afternoon. Mr. President, I also warmly congratulate you. Mauritius is proud to see a son of Africa assume the high office of President of the 79th Session of the General Assembly. I assure you of the full support of Mauritius, who remain committed to the universal values and noble aspirations of the United Nations. Our appreciation also goes to His Excellency, Denis Francis, who throughout the 78th Session championed solidarity and unity during challenging times. Secretary-General António Guterres also deserves our special recognition for his inspiring and commendable initiatives in furthering the objectives of our organization. Mr. President, The theme being addressed in this August Assembly is in consonance and resonates deeply with the very essence of our organization. The UN emerges out of the ashes of war and untold sufferings. We have a moral obligation to ensure peace and stability for the people of Mauritius. I am sure that the ultimate sacrifice of millions of women and men was not in vain. Our organization has since embodied the universal values of peace, justice, equity, respect for the rule of law, and human dignity. It is appalling that we are lately witnessing an erosion of these same values. Unfortunately, might is taking over and impunity still prevails. The dignity of the weakest is being shamelessly flouted on a scale never seen before. And behind protracted conflicts around the world lies inestimable human costs. Mr. President, the devastation and sufferings in Gaza are heart-wrenching. Thousands of innocent lives have been lost. We urge the international community to find a solution for a de-escalation in the region, for a just and lasting peace. And we are convinced that a two-state solution based on relevant UN resolutions and international law will uphold human dignity and equality for all. We welcome the advisory opinion on the legal consequences arising from the policies and practices of Israel in the Occupied Palestinian Territory, including East Jerusalem. There is an urgent need for a renewed commitment to diplomacy. Mr. President, the world has witnessed an unprecedented technological revolution in a short span of time. For humanity to benefit from its transformative power, AI governance should be anchored in international law. Current unsustainable consumption and production trends are exacerbating injustices and inequalities. We are at a watershed moment. Mauritius welcomes the adoption of the Pact for the Future, which is a renewed testimony to our collective resolve for the betterment of our world. We also need to ensure that the overall architecture of our global institutions reflects today’s realities. Mauritius believes that inclusivity is a necessity and not a choice. Small states and large allies deserve a voice. Africa and SIDS have their rightful place in a reformed Security Council. Global and international financial institutions should be more representative and also responsive to the needs of all countries. This is the only way to pave for a more equitable and resilient world where human dignity is upheld. Thank you. Mr. President, Mauritius believes that human dignity is universal, unalienable, and unconditional. This conviction has always guided our actions. Our multicultural society thrives on fairness, equity, and human dignity. Through unity in diversity, we have strengthened our unique and tolerant society. We have spared no effort in advancing the economic, social, and cultural rights of our citizens. Our commitment to free and fair elections, good governance, and putting people at the center of development remains resolute. We are investing heavily in free health care, infrastructural development, free education for pre-primary school to tertiary level, amongst others. We are promoting decent work for all. The empowerment of women and youth remains at the heart of the government actions. These inclusive approaches and supportive policies have contributed to the strengthening of our social fabric. Mr. President, the climate emergency is one of the most pressing global threats of our time. Greenhouse emissions from human activities have irrefutably contributed to global warming, sea level rise, and coastal erosion. It is most unfortunate that cities like Mauritius, which have contributed to the least in global emissions, are being the most affected. A multilateral approach to confront these threats is an absolute necessity. We must achieve the highest possible ambitions. and others. I would like to thank all of you for your patience and for your participation while ensuring equity, common and differentiated responsibilities. Our actions need to be guided by the latest scientific insights and informed by the outcomes of the global stocktake agreed upon at COP28, including its roadmap for keeping 1.5 degree degrees within reach. This target is a lifeline for all of us, especially seeds. Therefore, an agreement on a fair and ambitious new collective quantified goal on climate is imperative. As temperatures rise, the very foundations of life for oceanic states are endangered. We welcome the recent advisory opinion of the International Tribunal for the Law of the Sea on Climate Change. It stands as a juridical lighthouse compelling all states to chart a new course guided by science and the moral imperative of intergenerational equity. In the fight against climate change, our resolve should be translated into concrete and time-bound actions, one which is commensurate with the urgency and scale of the climate crisis. Mr President, Mauritius has ratified the BBNG Treaty, underscoring our commitment to protecting our ocean resources and ensuring sustainable marine governance. We are fully committed to the implementation of the Antigua and Barbuda Treaty. The openness of SEADS economies makes us more vulnerable to external shocks. SEADS should be able to access global value chains for green jobs. We welcome innovative approaches and the use of the MVI for enhancing the effectiveness of access to constitutional finance. Mauritius has been and remains fully committed to the advancement of our African continent. Africa is a land of untapped opportunities. However, our continent is faced with several challenges preventing it from realizing its full potential. Our Agenda 2063, including the African Continental Free Trade Area, has the ability to propel Africa. Our continent also resonates with cultural richnesses and stands united in purpose. Africa, with its youth dividend, stands ready to contribute to global solutions in shaping a more equitable and sustainable world for a better tomorrow. We call upon the international community to join in Africa’s transformative journey. Mr. President, Mauritius and the United Kingdom are still pursuing negotiations on the exercise of sovereignty over the Chagos Archipelago, following the advisory opinion of the International Court of Justice of 25 February 2019. Several rounds of talks have taken place so far, and Mauritius continues to be engaged in these talks in good faith. We urge the United Kingdom to conclude expeditiously an agreement that would allow for the completion of the decolonization of Mauritius, and the implementation of a resettlement program for the former inhabitants of the Chagos archipelago in accordance with Mauritian laws. Such an agreement could also protect and preserve vital security interests on Diego Garcia. We also appeal to France to resolve the dispute over Tromelin, which forms an integral part of the territory of Mauritius in the spirit of friendship that characterizes the relationship between our two countries. Before concluding, I wish to emphasize that the United Nations remains the ideal platform in bringing us together to address global challenges for a peaceful and more equitable world. We need also to recognize the contribution of the UN, its agencies, and dedicated personnel. Mr. President, we are convinced that the Pact for the Future will serve as a guiding star leading us to an improved world for tomorrow’s generations. I am confident that But together we can forge a better, brighter and more equitable world. One where no one is left behind, where human dignity and human rights prevail. Where collective good for mankind remains at the core for lasting peace and prosperity. I thank you.

President: On behalf of the Assembly, I wish to thank the President of the Republic of Mauritius. The Assembly will continue the consideration of Agenda Item 8 entitled General Debate. The Assembly will hear an address by His Excellency Charles Michel, President of the European Council of the European Union. I request protocol to escort His Excellency and invite him to address the Assembly.

Charles Michel – European Union: President of the General Assembly, Excellencies, ladies and gentlemen, as you enter this building, what catches the eye is a bluish light. This is the peace window. At the heart of the United Nations, this stained glass window is committed to those who work for the benefit of the United Nations. It was made by Marc Chagall, a Russian Jew who lived for the most part of his life in exile. He lived through two world wars. To guarantee peace and security, which were re-established in 1945, the promises of freedom and solidarity were engraved in the United Nations Charter. This is the tenth consecutive time I have the honour of delivering a statement. and Mbae Mohamed. In 2015, I listed the challenges of our generation, conflicts, poverty, the climate and migration. None of these challenges has been solved. And yet at the time, we thought that we had a robust framework, the multilateral order, which would allow us to work together to tackle these challenges. A decade has gone by, and this framework is shattering before our very eyes. The use of force, growing numbers of unilateral acts, and what we’re witnessing, often without any hope, is three major conflicts, which together are brewed into an explosive cocktail. In Ukraine, a permanent member of the Security Council has launched an illegal, unprovoked war. It is a flagrant attempt to impose the law using force instead of drawing on the force of the law. This war is a direct threat to the people of Ukraine and to each and every one of us. The European Union supports Ukraine and will continue to support Ukraine for as long as is necessary. We will live up to our promise of freedom and solidarity, recommitting ourselves to a comprehensive, just, and lasting peace enshrined in the UN Charter. Freedom and solidarity. Drawing on these very principles, we’d like to condemn the terrorist attacks, vile terrorist attacks committed by Hamas. We call for the release of all hostages, and unconditionally so. Israel has the right to defend itself. With due respect for international law and the principle of proportionality, we want an immediate ceasefire, in keeping with the advisory opinion of the ICJ. The life of every civilian counts, and we condemn all indiscriminate attacks targeting civilian populations. The EU is taking action and wants to do more to achieve lasting peace within the framework of a two-state solution. The endless escalation must end, and let me tell you, drawing Lebanon into the spiral is irresponsible. Absolutely irresponsible. These calls, including calls addressed to the government of Israel, have to date borne no fruit. This cannot go on. We want a democratic, a strong state of Israel, living in peace and security, side by side with the Palestinian people, the Palestinian people which should have their own rights. The Palestinian people deserve respect and dignity. I say this to the government of Israel. Trying to achieve security without peace is impossible. Without peace, there cannot be lasting security. A world that is driven by revenge is a world that is less safe. The Palestinian people have the right to their own state. This will continue to result in Israeli security and security of all Jews being undermined unless such a state is established. This will result in polarisation and the undermining of the international system which cannot be underpinned by double standards. Ladies and gentlemen, the wars in the Middle East and in Ukraine are resulting in terrible consequences and women are paying the worst price for this, including in the civil war of Sudan. Over 20,000 people have died, 20 million people are facing an emergency, 8 million have been displaced. Across the Horn of Africa, the situation is turning into chaos. We must put an end to external actors feeding these wars, we must put an end to arms supplies. It is time to take action and to implement peace and reconciliation processes. Ladies and gentlemen, the life of a child killed in a school that was bombed is valuable. In Ukraine, in Gaza, everywhere, the dignity of a woman who has been raped, her besmirched dignity is sacred in times of war and peace in Sudan, in Ukraine, elsewhere. Depriving an entire people of food is a crime of war in Ukraine, in Gaza, in Sudan and elsewhere. A crime is a crime, regardless of… who the perpetrators are or where the crime is committed. And our indignation can only be genuine if it is universal. The European Union defends international law equally across the board, everywhere. We condemn all acts geared towards destabilisation, regardless of who the perpetrators are. Here I’m referring to Iran, which is using proxies to feed conflicts in the Middle East. It’s thanks to Iran’s military support and Russia’s war in Ukraine that this is happening. We must take stock of the situation. Iran and Russia are using the very same playbook, their nuclear threat, imperialist ambitions, support for terrorist groups, godless and lawless terrorist groups, and all of this is destabilising neighbouring countries and the rest of the world. Excellencies, ladies and gentlemen, the establishment of the United Nations and the international system underpinned by rules was a remarkable step forward. Going backwards means going back to a time of war. More than ever since 1945, our world is being hard hit by an explosive conflict, an explosive cocktail of shocks. They’re piling up, they’re speeding up. We must get our bearings. This requires cooperation and courage. We need common laws which are respected by all. To this end, the Security Council must throw off the yoke of the veto which paralyses it. The Security Council isn’t representative nor legitimate. It’s ineffective. The Security Council is increasingly stillborn, like a zombie. In June 1945, when the UN Charter was adopted, President Truman said that this Charter will be expanded and improved over time. It will require adjustments. Decades have gone by. No readjustments were made. And yet we must reform the Security Council. It must become more inclusive. Africa and, the way I see it, Latin America should have permanent seats. Furthermore, regional organisations must be incorporated further into UN decision making. Furthermore, they should have an advisory role to play in the Security Council, regional organisations that is. Ladies and gentlemen, there cannot be any freedom when drought eats away at crops. We cannot have freedom when there are terrible hurricanes tearing down houses, when there are pandemics and some do not have access to medicines or vaccines. We must open our eyes and live up to the solidarity that’s required of us. It’s not just about dignity, morals or solidarity. It’s in the interest of developed countries to support the green transition as well as development, helping developing countries to buttress their health systems. And it is in that spirit that Dr Tedros put forward the idea of an international treaty on pandemics. We’ve made a great deal of headway on these negotiations, but it’s now time to finalise the agreement. MPOCs have set alarm bells off once again. However, it’s unacceptable for lobbies and egotistical behaviour to block the road to sharing of vaccines and vaccine technologies. Distinguished colleagues, there cannot be freedom in a world when each individual can be boiled down to his or her data, to a commercial target that can be surveilled and manipulated. The digital resolution is, of course, a driver, an extraordinary driver of progress, specifically artificial intelligence. It’s a new driver of prosperity. However, it must be harnessed. for the benefit of humanity and freedom. We shouldn’t commit the error, unless we’ve already committed it, of misusing natural resources and misusing personal data like we did with natural resources. Data and artificial intelligence are instruments of power. They are instruments of subjugation and economic and political domination. They can become weapons of war. We must create a framework so that we can move ahead at a global level. Technological competition is healthy. It promotes progress. But it must be something that occurs within a framework which we all agree to, rules of the game and fair competition. We need a global dialogue within the G7, but also together with the rest of the world, Africa, Latin America, Asia. We are going to work with them. We’re also going to work with those whose ideas and sometimes whose behaviours we do not agree with. China is a key partner to help us tackle global challenges, which I mentioned earlier, to reduce risks, to diversify our supply chains. Because as we know, excessive dependence on a given supplier gives rise to vulnerability and thus conflict. We should also ask China to not support Russia, neither directly nor indirectly, in its legal war against Ukraine. Instead, China should use its influence to ensure respect for the United Nations Charter. Ladies and gentlemen, the international financial architecture should help us to reduce inequality, not to exacerbate it. When a Kenyan farmer cannot access microloans at acceptable rates, it’s not just something unfortunate. It’s a challenge to the entire global development order, because without lasting and equitable development, we cannot have global stability and security. We must change the system. Financial firepower must be multiplied. for the benefit of our people to ensure that we can address the climate threat and achieve prosperity. The most courageous donors should restructure debt and allocate additional special drawing rights. It’s not just about the transfer of financial or technological means. Solidarity also requires us to reform governance, to improve business climates, strengthen legal certainty, combat corruption and mobilize resources within developing countries as well. As Mo Ibrahim said, very frankly, while economic aid and relief efforts for Africa are wonderful and commendable acts of solidarity, we also need to change the way our countries are run. Ladies and gentlemen, by way of conclusion, I’d like to end this 10th and last speech from this rostrum with a few personal remarks. My first point, double standards are a modern-day poison in international relations. When we defend human dignity, territorial sovereignty, honest, free and transparent elections, we should defend and protect them across the board under all circumstances. And each and one of us must humbly look in the mirror we have all inherited our own cultures, our own histories, traditions and probably our various errors. Everyone must draw conclusions. Humbly, we must do our best to be better. Europe often acts awkwardly, but it does so genuinely in good faith to ensure that human rights and freedoms are protected across the board. This brings me to my second point. We must steadfastly reject bipolar confrontation and act forcefully to build a multipolar world in a multilateral framework in which every country or group of countries can choose its own path towards prosperity and work hand-in-hand while abiding by the rule of law. and the Caribbean Council. ASEAN, the Gulf Cooperation Council, Central Asian countries. These cooperation networks help to weave the fabric of stabilisation and achieve progress. Our EU must become stronger and more autonomous so as to bolster its capacity to work together with other organisations in the name of peace, freedom and solidarity. You’ll be hearing the EU’s voice on the world stage, loud and independent. Excellencies, ladies and gentlemen, two world wars, the Holocaust, absolute humiliation for humanity. The European continent bears the scars of its past and therefore we have a special responsibility to defend freedom, solidarity and universal human dignity. The European project is geared towards reconciliation, cooperation and increasingly friendship and fraternity. The European project should be a source of inspiration, of hope and optimism. Optimism is a duty, in fact. We can, once again, change the course of history provided that we band together. The future has not been written, it is not a given. We can achieve greater peace, greater freedom, greater solidarity. Peace requires a lot of effort. We know that, we’ve given those efforts. and P.A.B. Simon, L.A. And peace is very fragile. It breaks down sometimes. But we can piece it together, even though it’s difficult. Peace is wonderful. It’s luminous. It carries in it hope. As does the blue peace window crafted by Marc Chagall. Let’s work tirelessly to build peace. You can count on the European Union. I thank you.

President: On behalf of the Assembly, I wish to thank the President of the European Council of the European Union. The Assembly will hear an address by His Excellency Tiémoko Meyliet Koné, Vice President of the Republic of Cote d’Ivoire. I request protocol to escort His Excellency and invite him to address the Assembly.

Tiémoko Meyliet Koné – Côte d’Ivoire : President of the 79th session of the United Nations General Assembly, heads of state and government, United Nations Secretary General, ladies and gentlemen, on behalf of His Excellency Mr. Alassane Ouattara, President of the Republic of Cote d’Ivoire, I wish to express my warm congratulations on the quality and depth of the debates during this session and on the remarkable success that was the Summit of the Future. Our general debate is being held against a worrisome global backdrop on the security, economic, and political levels, calling on our nations to make a collective leap forward. With this in mind, my country welcomes the very relevant choice of the theme for this session, which invites our states to act together to build a safer and more united world. The world stands at a crossroads. Geopolitical tensions are multiplying and fueling the escalation of several armed conflicts. Violent confrontations in sensitive regions are pushing those regions to the brink of widespread conflagration. This situation of insecurity and setbacks to peace is being worsened by terrorism afflicting regions such as the Sahel. These conflicts are gradually wiping out years of progress and development for our people. My country believes this is the right time to call on the international community to mobilize for the people of the Sahel. We are paying a high price in the war against terrorist groups. True to our values and our tradition of hospitality, Côte d’Ivoire is hosting, in the best possible conditions, several thousand nationals from neighboring Sahel countries who are fleeing the violence of armed groups. Outside the Sahel, the whole of West Africa is currently threatening to collapse. This trend could spread beyond the African continent if no effective measures are taken. For its part, Côte d’Ivoire is making available the Jacquesville International Academy for Combating Terrorism to all countries in order to help them to build their capacities in combating terrorism in all of its forms. Mr. President, the progress made by our countries in development and human security is currently being undermined by the effects of climate change. This heightens inequalities, poverty, and is leading to the forced displacement of millions of people every year. The relentless rise in the number of climate refugees is the tragedy of our time and tugs on our collective consciousness. In this context, Cote d’Ivoire calls on the United Nations and all of its partners to increase and to intensify their emergency humanitarian assistance for hard-hit populations. But we must go further on the climate issue and wholeheartedly implement measures that allow us to, in the short term, reverse the dangerous curve of global warming and its consequences on our societies. To that end, Cote d’Ivoire reiterates its call to developed countries to honour their pledges in climate finance and in supporting the energy transition. The Loss and Damage Fund should be rapidly filled up and used to relieve the suffering of populations in climate distress. Ladies and gentlemen, in addition to facing security and climate challenges, the world is undergoing a technological revolution for which few countries are prepared. Artificial intelligence harbours great promise for our societies, but it can also pose a host of threats and is open to abuse, particularly due to the lack of international regulations governing its use. Consequently, it falls to us to ensure that this technological revolution doesn’t further widen inequalities and doesn’t lead to a digital downgrading of some, but rather, on the contrary, that it serves progress and wellbeing for all. For this reason, my country welcomes the adoption of the Global Digital Compact. This should enable us to make better use of this technological progress for all nations. Mr. President, it’s clear that no single country can enable the world to overcome the global challenges that are eroding the foundations of peace and security, as well as the social progress that has been achieved over the last few decades. In light of this, our collective action should be firmly rooted in the unique multilateral framework of the United Nations. The world truly needs a dynamic and effective United Nations that represents the diversity of peoples and has the backing of the consensus of nations that underpins its legitimacy. In this context, the United Nations that we’ve inherited from the 20th century must undergo far-reaching reform so that it can fully play its role in today’s multipolar world. In particular, the Security Council must open up to Africa in all membership categories in order to reflect this reality. This is an essential condition for our global organization to be able to truly contribute to the lasting settlement of conflicts based on respect for international law, which remains its foundation. The same goes for the fight against climate change, which depends on the ability of our common organization to rally member states around this priority and encourage them to honor their commitments in this area. Global governance reform should also extend to multilateral financial institutions so that they can further support efforts to fund sustainable development goals in developing countries. These institutions should be more inclusive in how they operate and how they take decisions. These deep-rooted transformations are inevitable and must be sped up so that these institutions truly work to assist all of our countries in combating poverty and ensuring development. Here I wish to pay tribute to the United Nations Secretary General in his brave initiatives in preventive diplomacy, peacekeeping and peacebuilding, but also for his commitment to reforming global financial governance. Together we have the right tools to be able to meet the challenges facing the world and to be able to enable our young people and women to flourish and to contribute more than ever before to development in our countries. Africa’s future lies in its young people. We owe it to them to build competitive education and training systems, as well as democratic institutions that protect their freedoms. Mr. President, ladies and gentlemen, my country firmly believes in the values of multilateralism. They are indeed at the heart of our interactions with other nations. Through multilateralism, together our states can overcome great divisions, forge consensus around difficult issues and put forward global solutions to major global challenges. This vision determines how we act and how we contribute to regional community construction and also how we commit alongside other countries to building a peaceful, united and prosperous world for the benefit of present and future generations. Thank you.

President: On behalf of the Assembly, I wish to thank the Vice President of the Republic of Cote d’Ivoire. The Assembly will hear and address by His Excellency Dick Schoof, Prime Minister of the Kingdom of the Netherlands. I request protocol to escort His Excellency and invite him to address the Assembly.

Dick Schoof – Netherlands: Mr. President, Your Excellencies, Ladies and Gentlemen, I stand before you as a proud new participant in what, for many of you, is now a familiar gathering. Those words not only describe my own role, but say something about the very essence of the United Nations. For each of us, our presence here is only temporary. Some are here a long time, others for only a brief period. But everyone’s time here is defined by their own individual era. Today again, we embody that long tradition. Today again, we come together to work towards goals whose size and scope exceed our present reach. Today again, each of us is staying the course. And when our time is at an end, we will pass the baton to the next generation. This is not to say that our course is always clear and never needs adjusting. On the contrary, our world is changing fast. And unfortunately, in some ways, not for the better. War and conflict in so many places, climate change, whose effects are becoming clearer by the day, and cyber threats we couldn’t have imagined a few years ago. That is what I want to talk about today, anticipating an unknown future. And I should add, although the challenges of our time may be new, my message is not. It was clear to the Romans more than 2,000 years ago when Cicero wrote, it is the duty of every statesman to anticipate the future, to discover some time in advance what may happen, whether for good or for ill, and never to have to say, I had not thought of that. Of course, predicting the future is not a simple matter. And I don’t believe that’s what Cicero meant. I think he was calling on us to take responsibility. The responsibility that goes beyond the scenarios we want to imagine, beyond our national borders, and above all, beyond short-term solutions. It may seem impossible, but here, more than anywhere, we know better. The history of the UN has shown time and again what can be achieved if we join forces and persevere. Without the UN, there would have been no climate agreements, no disarmament treaties, no development goals or international tribunals. We have come a long way, and we can still go much further. By finding, in this unpredictable world, our strength and stability. By returning to the very foundation of the United Nations, a shared sense of responsibility. To preserve that foundation, we must strengthen and improve our partnership. For example, by moving forward in the challenging reform debate. You won’t be surprised to hear me say that the UN Security Council no longer reflects the realities of the 21st century. The seeds must be divided better geographically. To preserve the UN legitimacy, strength and vitality. With permanent African representation at the very least. This is a task for us all. And so, the Kingdom of the Netherlands will fully support proposals that make such reforms possible. In other areas too, we must adapt much more quickly to the new reality. Because while war and conflict are as old as time, the manner in which we wage them is always changing. And words we have used since the dawn of memory are no longer sufficient. Words like war and peace. Everybody knows what they mean. But the world is no longer black and white. In recent years, we’ve been confronted with something that seems neither one nor the other. More and more countries are developing offensive cyber programs. And these pose a growing threat to our critical infrastructure, our security, our earning capacity, and our intellectual property. These are big challenges. It’s forced us to prepare for the future. We can’t easily predict that future. But we can try to anticipate it. And that’s exactly what we’re doing. With the UN Pact for the Future, we have taken big steps in the right direction. From reforming our international financial architecture to tackling issues of cybersecurity and outer space. And surely, we can attribute this success to our shared desire to work towards a fair and secure life for everyone. For people today and the generations that follow. With that in mind, I’m proud of the Declaration on Future Generations, a key tool for achieving this goal, which was co-facilitated by Jamaica and the Kingdom of the Netherlands. This kind of broad international collaboration is what the UN is all about. And through every issue we tackle together, we increase our effectiveness. We need only look at climate change to see the importance of that. There are still countries that think this issue doesn’t concern them. Because they’ve been spared the direct effects so far. But that is an illusion. From flooding to drought, the effects of climate change are impacting people around the world. That includes part of the Kingdom of the Netherlands. And not least, the small island developing states. Countries where the rising sea level is not just a future threat, but a current reality. What’s more, all the problems caused by climate change amplify each other. So climate change is not limited to those countries that are directly affected, and through every country is directly affected. And therein lies the key to our approach, cooperation. Of course, that means committing to the climate targets of the Paris Agreement, the SDGs, and the measure we agree at COP29. But it also means using each other’s knowledge and know-how. And the Netherlands has a long history of managing water. Today, we use that experience around the world. We contribute our expertise on food security and counter other challenges as they arise. At the same time, we also face issues that will always demand our attention. Issues as old as the UN itself. Protecting human rights. There are so many countries where these failures are under pressure. In Venezuela, people are demanding that their voices be heard. To them, I say, we hear you. We hear you call for a democratic transition. Today, on this stage, I urge us not to forget those voices. And that’s just one example. There are many more countries that feel forgotten, who wonder why the world is not paying attention to their voices. Their day-to-day reality is also one of war, hunger, and poverty. Take Sudan, where 25 million people are facing acute hunger. We cannot close our eyes to this. We cannot turn away. We have a duty to listen and to take action. Earlier this year, the Kingdom of the Netherlands made an extra 10 million euro available, bringing its contribution to the crisis response in Sudan and surrounding countries to 80 million euros. But as we all know, that is just a drop in the ocean. I could run through a long list of other countries that need our help and support. I could try to describe their suffering, but it could never do it justice. You know, as well as I do, the places where war and conflict are raging. In Europe, for a long time, we thought that we no longer needed to worry about human rights, peace, and security. In Europe, for a long time, we thought that we no longer needed to worry about human rights, peace, and security. We thought that they were a given. But we were wrong. Very wrong. Some of you may be thinking, not Ukraine again. But we need to address this. Because the victims of the Russian war are not limited to Ukraine alone. This war affects everyone, as people in vulnerable countries know all too well. Since the global food supply has been deployed as a weapon of war, millions of people have been pushed back into hunger and poverty. They too are the victims of Russia. So to anyone still in doubt, I would say, this is not only a war between Russia and Ukraine, it’s a war of aggression against everything that we in the United Nations stand for. The Charter of the United Nations, the very basis of our partnership, is clear on this subject. No state may use force against territorial integrity of any other state. And although it is up to Ukraine to set the conditions for a just and lasting peace, we cannot leave the responsibility of achieving that in practice to them alone. Ukraine deserves our help and support at every stage of the process. That means arranging and participating in a new dialogue or finding a path to peace. It means challenging those countries who support the Russian defense industry or help it circumvent sanctions. And it means calling Russia to account for its actions. There can be no impunity for its flagrant violation of the Charter. The Netherlands is fully committed to restoring justice for Ukraine. Yes, it is a process that will require time and great stamina. But that is something we have in abundance. We have the time, the patience, and the resources. For example, there are the International Criminal Court and the International Court of Justice, two pillars of accountability, based in my own city, The Hague, the international city of peace and justice. And I don’t need to tell anyone here how important it is for these institutions to be able to do their work freely and independently. And that, too, is our collective responsibility. While we’re on the subject of collective responsibility, there is unfortunately another major conflict that demands our attention. Almost a year has passed since October 7th. Almost a year since the terrorist attack. and the organization Hamas committed these atrocities and war broke out in Gaza. The suffering since then has been extreme. Far too many innocent civilians have been killed, abducted or wounded. Far too many people have been forced to flee and have lost their loved ones and their property. In the past few days, there have been a large number of civilian casualties in Lebanon, and countless others in the region could face the same fate if the violence continues. That cannot be allowed to happen. A major regional war must be prevented at all costs. And so must any new attack on Israel. It begins with supporting international diplomatic initiatives, such as the proposal by the United States and France for a temporary ceasefire, which is supported by many countries, including in the region. We call on Israel and Lebanon to support this plan. Give diplomacy a chance. I know that when it comes to Israel and Gaza, people quickly refer to their entrenched positions. Entire generations have grown up full of mistrust, fear and even hate toward the other side. But if we try to take a longer view, we will see that there are no winners in this war. And any suggestion of winning for one side amounts only to a loss in the end. Loss on both sides. That’s why political leadership and courage are needed now, on both sides. To break the endless cycle of violence and help them see the other for who they are. People in search of a safe place to live. A place to live alongside each other, instead of at odds with each other. The first steps are obvious. An immediate ceasefire. The immediate and unconditional release of all remaining hostages. Rapid, large-scale aid for the people of Gaza. And all parties must comply with international law. I know it sounds easy. And I know that simply wanting something is not the same as making it happen. But as Nelson Mandela said, it always seems impossible until it’s done. Ladies and gentlemen, our history has always shown us that it is possible. We have come a long way. And we will still have a long way to go. But the path that lies behind us can also show us the way forward. As long as we hold on to what we believe in. Our shared values. Our common cause. And above all, our ability to persevere. Thank you.

President: On behalf of the Assembly, I wish to thank the Prime Minister of the Kingdom of the Netherlands. The Assembly will hear an address by His Excellency, Nikol Pashinyan, Prime Minister of the Republic of Armenia. I request protocol to escort His Excellency and invite him to address the Assembly.

Nikol Pashinyan – Armenia: Mr. President, Excellencies, Ladies and Gentlemen, This is my fourth speech at the UN General Assembly, and this speech will be significantly different from the previous ones. The key messages of my previous speeches were about the deadlock in achieving peace between Armenia and Azerbaijan. But today I want to say that peace between Armenia and Azerbaijan not only is possible, but is within reach. Why do I think so? For a few specific reasons. Quite recently, on August 30, Armenia and Azerbaijan signed the Regulation on the Joint Activity of the Commissions on the Limitation of the State Border between the two countries. This is the first bilateral legal document signed between the parties. But what is more important with that document, Armenia and Azerbaijan agreed to set the 1991 Almaty Declaration as the basic principle of border delimitation between the two countries and will be guided by it. This means that Armenia and Azerbaijan, the jury reconfirmed the principle of recognizing each other’s territorial integrity and unviolability of borders that existed during the Soviet Union, which is a fundamental factor for establishing peace. Now it is the jury reconfirmed that the two countries have no territorial claims on each other. What we have to do. The President of Azerbaijan and I have stated many times that at least 80% of the mentioned agreement has been agreed upon. Now to seize this historic opportunity and to avoid the risk of reaching a deadlock, Armenia proposes to take what has already been agreed in the draft agreement, sign it, have a peace agreement between Armenia and Azerbaijan, and then go on with negotiations on pending issues. We are ready to do this right now. Why do we propose this? Because there is no precedent of a peace agreement or any agreement that would regulate and solve everything. It is practically not possible. After signing any agreement, two countries may always need to conclude new agreements and make new arrangements for this very reason. No matter how comprehensive any agreement, many important issues need to be further addressed. And in the case of Armenia and Azerbaijan, the agreed articles of the draft peace agreement actually contain provisions on peace, on not having territorial claims on each other, and not putting forward such claims in the future. Provisions on establishment diplomatic relations and a joint commission to oversee the implementation of the peace agreement. President-Elect of the United States of America, President-Elect of the United States of America, Parts of the draft peace agreement provide tools for that. One of them is the diplomatic relations to be established between Armenia and Azerbaijan. And the second is the joint Armenia-Azerbaijan commission to oversee the implementation of the peace agreement. I mean the existence of the jury peace between Armenia and Azerbaijan by signing the proposed agreement and the establishment of diplomatic relations will result in changing the overall atmosphere and the perception of our governments and peoples, which will significantly facilitate the solution of the remaining issues. Azerbaijan, however, insists that the constitution of the Republic of Armenia is an obstacle to the peace agreement because it allegedly contains territorial claims on Azerbaijan. Without going into details, let me say that there is nothing of this kind in our constitution. There are no territorial claims on Azerbaijan and we can provide detailed written proofs regarding this to all our international partners concerned. Moreover, it is the constitution of Azerbaijan that contains territorial claims on the Republic of Armenia and we can present written argumentation on this as well to all our international partners concerned. But pay attention, we do not consider the constitution of Azerbaijan as an obstacle. to the peace agreement for the simple reason that the agreed part of the draft peace agreement between Armenia and Azerbaijan contains wording that solves the problem and that wording is as follows. None of the parties may invoke the provisions of its internal legislation as justification for its failure to perform the present agreement. Therefore, the signing of the agreement will address the concerns of both Armenia and Azerbaijan and will create legal guarantees for addressing them fundamentally. When we examine the agreed text of the peace agreement in terms of compliance with the constitution of the Republic of Armenia, we see the following picture. Under the constitution of Armenia, agreements that contradict the constitution may not be ratified. And as in other cases, after signing the peace agreement with Azerbaijan, we must submit it to the constitutional court to verify the compliance of the agreement with the constitution of the Republic of Armenia. If our constitutional court decides that the peace agreement with Azerbaijan is in contradiction with the constitution of the Republic of Armenia, even though our experts assure that it is not likely to happen. But anyway, if that will happen, we will face a specific situation where constitutional changes will be needed for the sake of achieving peace. And if our constitutional court decides that the agreement complies with the constitution of the Republic of Armenia, President of the Republic of Armenia, then there will be no barriers for ratification in the parliament of Armenia. And here an extremely important circumstance comes in. Under paragraph 3 of article 5 of the Constitution of the Republic of Armenia, ratified international agreements have precedence over the domestic legislation of the Republic of Armenia. And therefore, after the signing and ratification of the peace agreement with Azerbaijan, theoretically, even if there were laws that could be interpreted as containing territorial claims, these documents would be subordinate to the Armenia-Azerbaijan peace agreement and would automatically have no legal force. The same logic would apply to Azerbaijan, of course. Honorable President, ladies and gentlemen, as you can see, here is peace so close to us and all we need to do is reach out and take it. It is not easy for either Armenia or Azerbaijan, because each of us has our own truth. And the debate over those truths has led to enmity, casualties and wars. The pain is very deep and intense, but we must now focus on peace, because peace is the only truth understandable to the people of Armenia and Azerbaijan. And this truth will open our eyes and shut down the sources of enmity, and we will all look to the future. Ladies and gentlemen, The Crossroads of Peace project of the Government of the Republic of Armenia is also dedicated to that future. The purpose of the project is not only to open automobile routes, railroads and other transport communications between Armenia and Azerbaijan, but also to provide communication between Armenia, Azerbaijan, Turkey and the whole region, as well as to create opportunities for the passage of pipelines and cables, and eventually provide opportunities for people-to-people contacts, which is a key and critical factor for peacemaking. A key factor for peace and development is also that all this shall happen with due respect for the sovereignty, jurisdiction, territorial integrity of the countries, on the basis of the principle of equality and reciprocity. And we are ready to open our transport communications to both Azerbaijan and Turkey, as well as to our other neighbors and partners. And we are ready to do it even today, right today. By the way, the Crossroads of Peace can become a part of the Middle Corridor, ensuring greater speed and efficiency of the passage of goods through it. The Republic of Armenia is ready to fully ensure the safety of the passage of cargo, vehicles and people on its territory. It is our wish, our commitment, and we can do it. By the way, all those claims that Armenia has agreed somewhere in some document that third forces shall provide the security of communications on its territory are simply distortion of facts. of the Republic of Armenia, Mr. President, ladies and gentlemen, Today I don’t want to send any negative, worrying or pessimistic message. Not because they do not exist, but because the Armenian proverb says let us speak the positive in order to be well, meaning that when you speak positive, good things tend to become reality. It may be that there is a similar saying in Azerbaijan, Turkey, Iran, Georgia and in other countries in the world and they all consider it their own. But let us speak the positive in order to be well is not about saying empty words. Of course, one should work hard and sometimes make hard decisions. In my speech, I laid out all the circumstances that give me a reason to speak the positive, to be well in front of this distinguished audience. And if we rely on these circumstances, good things will happen, initiating a process of reducing the circumstances that generate the negative. Thank you very much for your attention.

President: On behalf of the Assembly, I wish to thank the Prime Minister of the Republic of Armenia. The Assembly will hear and address by His Excellency Mohammed Shia’ Al Sudani, Prime Minister of the Republic of Iraq. I request for the call to escort His Excellency and invite him to address the Assembly.

Mohammed Shia’ Al Sudani – Iraq: In the name of God, the most merciful, the most compassionate, Mr. President of the General Assembly, Mr. Secretary General, ladies and gentlemen, may God’s peace, mercy and blessings be upon you. The 79th session of the United Nations General Assembly comes in the midst of dangerous circumstances in the Middle East and the world in which the global international order faces a difficult test that threatens its existence and renders it incapable of achieving the goals for which it was founded. These goals include the maintenance of international security and stability and human rights. Today, we are witnessing precedents in which all international charters and norms are being violated. The international institutions that are supposed to contribute to managing and organizing international relations in a way that enhances peace and stability and advances human relations away from violence and brutal treatment are being neutralized. Important principles such as sovereignty, territorial integrity, multilateral cooperation, the laws of war, humanitarian laws and the international humanitarian law and the responsibility to protect and the right to self-determination have all been ignored. The world is being pushed towards full-scale confrontations and conflicts while the UN Security Council is powerless and without a role. In the absence of this responsibility, alternative mechanisms may be resorted to and ignoring these institutions threatens to revert International Relations to Chaos. At the same time, we must not forget to commend some of the courageous positions of some of the figures heading these UN institutions, including the Secretary General of the United Nations, Mr. António Guterres. However, we clearly see, despite great efforts, that there is a lack of effective influence. Putting an end to the violations taking place in Palestine and the region is the responsibility of everyone, particularly the Security Council, which has failed to achieve its most important objective, which is maintaining international peace and security. In occupied Palestine today, we are witnessing a people who are being attacked by an occupying military force, displacing millions without being deterred and killing thousands. There is public talk of mass starvation to exterminate these people and of the use of nuclear weapons to eliminate them by senior officials of the occupying entity without any measures to deter them. The International Committee, nor any of its members, has committed to the responsibility to protect them as mandated in international law. The Palestinian people have been denied the right to live in dignity in a state like all other peoples amid a shameful global paralysis. Rather, criminals are being empowered to persist in, exaggerate, and expand the conflict and attack others by supporting them and ensuring their repeated impunity. We have also witnessed more recklessness that has made international law and Security Council resolutions near ink on paper in a series of aggressions against the countries of the region. and the occupation and annexation of territories and the changing of international borders by force against the resolutions of the Security Council. These are dangerous precedents that threaten the entire international system and undermine the foundations of international institutions, resulting in dire consequences for all of humanity. In furtherance of extremism, the occupation invokes Security Council Resolution 1701 as a pretext for aggression against Lebanon. It selectively chooses this resolution and some of its provisions, while ignoring the numerous resolutions and the indisputable principles of international law adopted by the Security Council, including Resolutions 242, 246, 252, 265 and 297. We are witnessing a brutal campaign of indiscriminate killing and the use of technology to carry out bombings remotely without regard for unarmed civilians. In a dangerous precedent that indicates the extent of the involvement of the occupation’s government and its indulgence in committing crimes against humanity. Iraq today, through its government and its people and under the directives of the Supreme Religious Authority, stands with Lebanon and its brotherly people as it faces a new page of brutal aggression that seeks to plunge the region into conflict, which is something we have already warned against. We will continue to provide all possible assistance to overcome the effects of these attacks. Our position is being. on the history of cohesion and the well-known Iraqi steadfastness that rejects aggression and occupation and rejects depriving people’s right to their land, heritage and holy sites and that repeatedly condemns any international support or justification for the aggressor’s pretexts. We also note the systematic targeting of international agencies and relief organizations in the occupied territories and the audacity to harm their personnel, including United Nations agencies and including the United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees, UNRWA, in Gaza, which is supposed to be protected under international law. I would like to recall that these abuses not only disrupt humanitarian action but also violate international norms protecting civilians and those providing assistance in conflict zones. These recent moves by the occupation seek to threaten the stability of the countries of the region by igniting a large-scale regional war. Iraq, as a founding member of the United Nations, hopes that this institution will achieve the objectives for which it was founded in maintaining peace and security and sparing the world the dangers of wars and tragedies that it has experienced throughout history. Allow us to express our disappointment at the failure of the Security Council and the international system to fulfill its obligations. Ladies and gentlemen, we note a significant increase in hate crimes and intolerance that affect our security and stability. We are in dire need of international cooperation in order to spread the spirit of tolerance. We believe that one of the main aspects of hate speech is the growing phenomena of Islamophobia, which undermines global efforts to achieve peace, security and coexistence, and creates an atmosphere for attacks targeting our social and moral values, which are part of our human existence. Therefore, I call on the United Nations to make greater efforts to promote dialogue and understanding among different cultures and religions, and I stress the need to promote unity and harmony in the face of increasing polarization, while stressing the need for heads of state and heads of international institutions to stand against religious intolerance and hatred. Excellencies, as for Iraq, and in contrast to what I have mentioned, there are good developments, as the country where ISIS occupied a third of the territory and where many observers believed that it was the end of Iraq as we know it. Today, ten years later, Iraq is witnessing the implementation of a comprehensive plan for reconstruction and development, and the restoration of life to cities, and the rise of tall buildings and infrastructure, and the spread of safety. We still have many fundamental challenges ahead of us in achieving economic, administrative and environmental reforms and diversifying the economy. We have made great strides in achieving security. We have achieved a victory over terrorism, and soon we will crown this victory over this terrorist organization with a joint and important declaration with our allies and friends who stood by Iraq and supported it against a brutal enemy that posed a threat to the entire world. Our efforts are focused on strengthening the democratic process in Iraq and working to consolidate the social contract and national cohesion as chosen by our people in their permanent constitution of 2005. We have organized provincial council elections which had been suspended for ten years, and after their organization was obstructed in Kirkuk since 2005. Now we are in the process of organizing. Thank you very much, Mr. President, ladies and gentlemen, and welcome to the first of a series of elections for the Kurdistan Region of Iraq. Our efforts are continuing to strengthen the relationship of the federal government with the regional governments and local governments in the governorates in accordance with what the constitution and the law have determined, and to protect the existence of minorities and preserve diversity, which we consider as one of our most important assets. Ladies and gentlemen, this government has five priorities. Job creation, improving services, combating poverty, combating corruption, and implementing economic reforms. The Iraqi government seeks to rehabilitate the necessary human resources and has taken great strides towards building state institutions and enforcing the rule of law. It also seeks to activate the role of the private sector and to address administrative laxity and diversifying sources of income, reforming the banking and financial sector and managing the energy transition, and addressing the causes of social, economic, and therefore political unrest. This transformation is a complicated matter for Iraq due to the economic structural challenge represented by relying on the public sector to take in the workforce and to use oil revenues to pay the salaries of millions of employees. This dual challenge facing Iraq is the excessive dependence on oil revenues and limiting its ability to diversify economically. This has been as a result of decades of wars and economic blockade and the dictatorial regimes, absurd economic policies, and some aspects of miscalculation and mismanagement later on, and the waste in human and material resources. and many other sources that could have been developed. Governance, anti-corruption, digital transformation and e-government are all among our top priorities, as they are the most important strategies to reduce corruption and achieve good governance. But we expect the international community to support our efforts to recover the looted assets that are Iraq’s right and to end the legal and legislative obstacles placed by some countries in order to provide a safe haven for corruption-related funds, such as banking secrecy and preventing the disclosure of beneficial owners to help evade accountability. Ladies and gentlemen, Iraq seeks to achieve regional security and stability by finding ways for constructive partnerships to face common challenges through cooperation between the participating parties and increasing mutual interdependence in a way that is in the interest of all. And we plan to launch initiatives that reflect economic integration and regional stability in the region, particularly the Development Road Project, which aims to transform Iraq into a major regional hub for trade and transportation and to link the Middle East with Europe through Iraq, using a network of railways, highways and industrial cities and linking the large port of Faw in southern Iraq to Europe via the countries in the region. This project represents the most important steps to enhance regional cooperation and integration and is in line with Iraq’s broader goals of rebuilding the economy and improving services. Ladies and gentlemen, Iraq faces serious environmental challenges as a result of climate change and desertification, challenges that cannot be addressed without enhanced international cooperation. As desertification and the lack of vegetation… We call for international solidarity to face environmental challenges and to work to raise awareness of the importance of the management of sustainable water resources, which is a central issue for Iraq. This challenge requires a commitment to the principle of shared and just responsibilities among states, as we face existential challenges related to an acute shortage of water resources, which threatens agriculture and negatively affects the economy and threatens the lives of millions of Iraqis. Hence, the government attaches top priority to these files and issues and works in cooperation with neighboring countries to reach sustainable solutions and policies to deal with these influences. In conclusion, I would like to express my deep gratitude to the United Nations for the support it has provided to Iraq over the past two decades. We look forward to a new phase of cooperation with the United Nations in Iraq that will begin by the end of 2025, and we hope that this will mark the beginning of a new era full of stability and prosperity for our people and a new page of partnership with the United Nations. We are working hard to build a better future for our coming generations, and we look forward to continuing partnership with the international community to achieve this. Allowing Iraq to share the Group of 77 and China for 2025 is a victory for Iraqi diplomacy, which seeks to achieve development goals and bridge the technological gap between the countries of the north and the countries of the south and achieve integration and reform of the international economic system. While sharing the largest international group of 134 nations, we look forward to working towards a more stable Thank you very much, Mr. President, ladies and gentlemen, on behalf of the United Nations, I would like to welcome you to this wonderful and just world in which all peoples of the world interact and have development opportunities. In conclusion, our policy puts Iraq, its people, security, sovereignty and prosperity first. We proceed with confidence to erase the traces and give it the regional and international status it well deserves. May the peace, mercy and blessings of God be upon you.

President: On behalf of the Assembly, I wish to thank the Prime Minister of the Republic of Iraq. The Assembly will hear and address by Excellency Kyriakos Mitsotakis, Prime Minister of the Hellenic Republic. I request protocol to escort His Excellency and invite him to address the Assembly.

Kyriakos Mitsotakis – Greece: Thank you, Mr. President, ladies and gentlemen. This is the sixth occasion on which I have addressed the United Nations General Assembly as Greece’s Prime Minister, but it is the first in which I stand before you as the leader of a country which is an incoming member of the United Nations Security Council. Greece is honored to accept that responsibility for the third time, and I’m personally grateful for the trust the broader UN membership has placed in our candidacy for the 2025-2026 term. Three words of Greek origin but of universal meaning will guide Greece’s upcoming tenure on the Security Council. Dialogue, diplomacy and democracy, and six core priorities underpin these guiding principles. The peaceful settlement of disputes, respect for international law and the rules and principles of the UN Charter, women, peace and security, climate, peace and security, children in armed conflict, and of course, as a seafaring nation, maritime security. Ladies and gentlemen, addressing you today, 12 months on from last time around in September 2023, I don’t think any of us can claim we are somehow better off now than we were back then. If anything, our world grows less secure by the day. Whether it be escalating conflicts, geopolitical division, the climate crisis, mass migration, rising inequality, even the unchecked rise of artificial intelligence, these challenges jeopardize our present and our future. And yet, within these threats lie unique opportunities to transform the way we live, govern, and cooperate on a global scale. We are indeed at an inflection point. What happens next depends to a high degree on international cooperation. It is here in this chamber where we represent the collective voice of the international community that we are called to act for the good of the entire humanity. And to do that effectively, we must reinvigorate and strengthen the multilateral system. Most of us, if not all, have agreed on the need to reform the UN, and especially the Security Council. And since its first set in 1946, the UN Security Council has not undergone any significant institutional reform. In that sense, it is the relic of a world that no longer exists. Back then, it was fit to address the challenges and opportunities of the post-Second World War world. But today, it is clearly not fit to solve the complex problems of the present or the future. As far as the Security Council reform is concerned, I believe we all agree that it is essential to increase the meaningful participation of underrepresented nations. Nearly a third of UN member states have never sat on the Security Council. In addition, the enlargement of the Security Council must include both non-permanent and permanent members. New permanent members must include leading countries from all continents. And the composition of the Security Council should reflect the geopolitical and economic realities of the third decade of the 21st century. Ladies and gentlemen, in the Security Council, Greece will do its utmost to act as a stabilizing actor. That work begins immediately in our immediate neighborhood. After all, as a gateway to Europe, North Africa, and the Middle East, Greece sits 900 miles away from both Gaza and Ukraine. A year ago, we did not know that on October 7, a horrific terrorist attack would leave more than 1,200 innocent civilians, men, women, and children massacred. Around 250 people would be taken hostages, and that in the war that ensured, over 41,000 people would perish. The ongoing violence in the Middle East is grave, and civilians’ horrendous suffering in Gaza is unfortunately continuing. Escalation threatens to trigger a full-scale war in the region. Greece calls on all parties, including Iran and those it has influence over, to back away from perpetuating the current destructive cycle of violence, to lower tensions, and engage constructively in the pursuit of meaningful de-escalation. A full-scale war in southern Lebanon must be avoided at all costs. People on both sides of the border have a right to leave peacefully without the threat of rockets or bombs shattering their lives. Greece fully supports the proposal for an immediate 21-day ceasefire. And in the wake of the October 7 attacks, Greece has always and will always support Israel’s legitimate right to defend itself. But how it does so matters. We must see the immediate return of all remaining hostages. There must be an immediate ceasefire in Gaza. The humanitarian catastrophe there cannot go on. Safe access to food, water, shelter, clothing, and medicines throughout the territory must be ensured, and international humanitarian law must be respected. However remote, however impossible it may seem today, Israelis and Palestinians must be given the chance to live side-by-side in peace and security. And there is no other way than to make the two-state solution a reality. There is an absolute need to give the Palestinians hope for the future. This is a sine qua non for peace, stability, and security in the region, including the long-term security of Israel. And building a fully functioning and sovereign Palestinian state will take concerted efforts by all sides involved – the actors in the wider region, but of course the international community as a whole. But there is no other option to bring about lasting peace in this turbulent part of the world. Ladies and gentlemen, a year ago we were already in the second year of Russia’s illegal war in Ukraine. And since February 2022, Russia has brought violence, misery, and destruction back to the European continent. Tens of thousands have been killed. Millions have been displaced from their homes. The impact on civilian infrastructure and people’s lives and livelihoods is colossal. We stand in solidarity with the Ukrainian people, who are fighting for their freedom and independence, and for the territorial integrity and sovereignty of their country. And respect for the territorial integrity of all states is the fundamental pillar of international law. It is the cornerstone of the UN Charter. In June, at the Summit on Peace in Ukraine, Greece stood shoulder to shoulder with many other UN Member States, calling for a just and lasting peace in Ukraine, in full respect of Ukraine’s independence, sovereignty, and international integrity within its internationally recognized borders. From the first hours of the Russian aggression, the European Union and its Member States rose to the occasion, providing every possible support to the Ukrainians. We are committed to continue to do so. Why? The answer is simple. The war in Ukraine is not simply another local or a regional European conflict. It’s a brutal challenge to international stability and to the international rules-based order that the UN stands for. And as such, it concerns the entire global community. Needless to also recall the very concrete impact this war has had on international food security, affecting economies and basic needs of populations around the world, especially in Africa. Ladies and gentlemen, Greece has been placed by geography in a complicated neighborhood. And I have repeatedly spoken from this stand on the difficult and at times tense relationship with neighboring Turkey. Over the past year, I have met President Erdogan six times, including our recent meeting on the sidelines of this assembly a couple of days ago. Last December, we signed the Athens Declaration, a document stating our intention to resolve our differences according to the principles of international law and in the spirit of good neighborly relations. And we will continue to explore how to improve bilateral relations with Turkey. Greece is willing to work towards resolving the only major outstanding issue we have with our neighbour, the delimitation of the continental shelf and the exclusive economic zone in the Aegean and Eastern Mediterranean. We have not been able to effectively address this difference for more than 40 years. But this does not mean that it is destined to remain unresolved. And I was glad to hear President Erdogan say that the delimitation of maritime zones, in accordance with international law, is to the common interest of the entire region of the Eastern Mediterranean. And I strongly believe that we have today a window of opportunity. And we should be bold enough and wise enough to seize this chance. But if we are to try, we should both adopt a consistent approach in every aspect of our behaviour towards each other. On the other hand, when it comes to Cyprus, where this year marked the 50th anniversary of Turkey’s illegal invasion and subsequent occupation of over a third of the territory of the Republic of Cyprus, we unfortunately see no progress in Turkey’s position. This invasion was and remains a violation of the fundamental principles of the UN Charter. As Prime Minister of Greece, I reaffirm here today our commitment to the sovereignty and territorial integrity of Cyprus and to a solution on the basis of a bi-zonal, bi-communal federation with a single sovereignty, a single citizenship, and a single international personality in accordance with the relevant UN Security Council resolution. A two-state solution cannot and will not be accepted. It is simply not a solution. President Krzysztof Wielicz gave yesterday, from this podium, an impassionate and sincere address recalling the violence and trauma of the Cyprus invasion 50 years ago. He also expressed his unwavering commitment to engaging in order to find a solution. And I, for one, have absolute trust in this commitment. He is right to argue that international law cannot be applied à la carte and that history cannot be rewritten or erased. Greece fully supports the efforts of the Secretary General for the resumption of negotiations within this framework. And we call upon Turkey and the Turkish-Cypriot community to come to the negotiating table, to at least establish mutual trust and to engage in a frank and honest discussion in pursuit of a mutually acceptable, just, and viable solution. And can you imagine how powerful a message for the world community it would send to all those seeking peace in seemingly intractable conflicts around the world if we can find a permanent, viable, and just solution to the Cyprus question? Ladies and gentlemen, let me also mention the other side of our neighborhood and its future, the Western Balkans. As the oldest European Union member in the region, Greece has always had a vision for the Western Balkans inside the European Union family, a vision that would reduce tensions and conflict and embed the rule of law and fundamental freedoms, driving development and prosperity for its people. There has been progress, but that progress has not been enough. Twenty-one years after the Thessaloniki agenda, significant challenges remain. And allow me to be very frank. The countries of the Western Balkans need to take the definitive decision to leave behind the traumatic legacy of the past, and the political leadership of the Western Balkans needs to choose by action, not by words, to embrace a European future by improving democratic governance, consolidating the rule of law and freedom of expression, pursuing difficult internal reforms, and very, very importantly, committing to good neighborly relations. Reviving nationalist narratives and agendas should have no place today in a region on the cusp of joining the EU. Let’s start with the basics. International agreements must be respected and implemented fully and in good faith, whether we are talking about Dayton or Prespa or the Belgrade-Pristina agreements. There are disruptors who would like nothing more than to cause new divisions in this sensitive corner of Europe. It is time to relegate the famous phrase of Winston Churchill that the Balkans produce more history than they can consume once and for all to the history books. Ladies and gentlemen, let me conclude by addressing briefly two issues critical to our shared future – the advent of artificial intelligence and the adverse effects of digital technology, especially on our children and teenagers. The power of AI seems limitless, a technology with the potential to change our world in a way that will probably surpass the advent of the personal computer, the launch of the mobile phone, or the birth of the World Wide Web. Like steam or electricity before it, AI, as a general technology, presents huge opportunities to transform for good the way we live, we collaborate, we progress as humankind. And if used correctly, it could very well be driving solutions across science, climate change, R&D, medicine. For our governments, AI has enormous power to enhance productivity, facilitate more effective decision-making, and deliver more efficient and higher-impact public services. It is indeed a game-changer. However, AI also has the potential to do extraordinary harm. Unchecked and in the hands of malign actors, AI could yet become a weapon of control in an uncertain world order. We are already seeing how generative AI is used to create more and more convincing deep fakes designed to spread misinformation and disinformation. And it is not lost on me standing here in this assembly, created to protect peace and security and promote global dialogue, that our world is being shaped by transnational actors in the form of a few very large technology companies with more economic muscle than most of the countries represented here. And this is leading to an imbalance that we must address. Those driving the technologies that are fundamentally reshaping the society. The European Union is trying to rectify that, but just as with climate, the EU alone cannot address this challenge. And here I would like to praise the final report, Governing AI for Humanity, presented just a few days ago by the high-level advisory body on AI established by the Secretary General. The recommendations of this report can truly contribute to an agile and adaptable regime of global governance of AI that helps showcase the benefits of AI and address its risks. Bluntly, if both a Compact for the Future and a Global Digital Compact we agreed this week are to have any effect, then we may need to put the regulation and application of AI on a global footing. Eventually, what we may need is a COP for AI, with the participation not just of countries but also of the global technology companies. And this is an issue of the utmost urgency, for one additional reason, and let me conclude with that. We are already witnessing the adverse effect of digital technology and AI-driven algorithms on the mental health of our children and our teenagers. It took over a quarter of a century for campaigners to install seatbelts in cars, despite the fact that all the evidence pointed to belt-saving lives. We are in a similar situation today when it comes to children and teenagers and their use of digital and social media platforms. Every day, children around the world are being exposed to content that exasperates feelings of loneliness and unrealistic standards of beauty. Frequently, our teenagers are pulled into extremist echo chambers. Bullying once contained to the real world now has its virtual twin. It follows children home from school and materializes on phones and Social media algorithms are constantly improved by AI to keep children online for the maximum amount of time and away from the real world of unsupervised play, and all for the purpose of making money. Countless studies have shown that heavy use of social media is linked to depression, feelings of isolation, sleep deprivation, and addiction. The brains of our children are being rewired and their development changed at an almost unimaginable scale. Yet we do nothing, or very little. That is why I applaud initiatives such as the one announced by Australia for putting an age limit on social media use with age verification technologies that cannot be circumvented. Others should follow suit. Technology companies must come to the table and show that they will take tangible and measurable safety and prioritize safety over profits. If they don’t, pragmatic solutions, like banning devices in our schools, which Greece has implemented as of this year, will be complemented by harsher regulatory responses. Digital technology is no different than any other industry that needs to operate under health and safety regulations. The overarching principle, the golden standard, is one and the same. Do no harm. Ladies and gentlemen, we live in a rapidly changing world. We cannot let our differences be an excuse for inaction. And as Greece takes its seat on the Security Council, we do so mindful of the importance of our core principles, dialogue, diplomacy, democracy. And this week’s Summit of the Future demonstrates that it is truly possible, when we work together, to renew multilateral cooperation through these principles. And reiterating the commitment of all member states to the core values of the UN, we can still galvanize international resolve and forge innovative partnerships to address both the world’s current and emerging challenges. And Greece stands ready to help the United Nations do its part in the two years ahead. Thank you very much.

President: On behalf of the Assembly, I wish to thank the Prime Minister of the Hellenic Republic. The Assembly will hear and address by His Excellency Keir Starmer, Prime Minister and First Lord of the Treasury of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland. I request protocol to escort His Excellency and invite him to address the Assembly.

Keir Starmer – United Kingdom: Mr. President, Your Excellencies, Ladies and Gentlemen, I address the General Assembly today as someone with a deep belief in the principles of this body and the value of international cooperation. I remember reading the Universal Declaration of Human Rights as a student. It had a profound impact on me. I spent my career as a lawyer working to protect those rights. And the Declaration still inspires me now as Prime Minister because it speaks about our inherent dignity, the very essence of what it is to be human, of equal and inalienable rights, based on a foundation of freedom, justice and peace in the world. We meet here today. That can feel like a distant hope. Conflict touches more countries now than at any time in the history of this Assembly. Around the world, more fires are breaking out and burning with ever greater intensity, exacting a terrible toll. In Gaza, Lebanon, Ukraine, Sudan, Myanmar, Yemen and beyond. The vast majority of humanitarian need in the world today is driven by conflict. After 20 years of gains in tackling poverty, disease and in health, war is one of the main regions that progress has stalled. That is a catastrophe made by human hands. It has weakened the cause of cooperation, sowed political division between North and South, and turned the geopolitical dial away from the rule of law towards brute force and aggression. This matters to us all. It matters to the British people. My government was elected to change Britain, to deliver national missions on higher growth, safer streets, cleaner energy, more opportunity and a healthier society. But behind every one of these missions sits another insight. Something that used to be unspoken, but now needs to be said. That we recognise that our success in Britain can never be separated from events beyond our shores. Global challenges rebound on us at home. And to grapple only with the effects of war, poverty, climate change, pandemics or irregular migration when they arrive on our doorstep, is to set ourselves up to fail. We must work with others to solve these problems. At root. To tackle the causes. Britain is stronger when we do so. So we are changing our approach on the global stage too. My message today is this. We are returning the UK to responsible global leadership. Because I think the international system can be better. We need it to be better. People talk about an age of polarisation, impunity, instability and unravelling of the UN Charter. And I fear that a sense of fatalism has taken hold. But our task is to say no. We won’t accept this slide into greater and greater conflict, instability and injustice. Instead we will do all we can to change it. This is the moment to reassert fundamental principles and our willingness to defend them. To recommit to the UN, to internationalism, to the rule of law. To work together for peace, progress and equality. Because it is right, yes, absolutely. But also because it is plainly in our self-interest. So we are ready to step up. In a spirit of respect and equal partnership. I don’t claim that solving these problems is easy. But there are positive practical things that we can do together. This starts with addressing the rising tide of conflict. And preventing a regional war in the Middle East. I call on Israel and Hezbollah, stop the violence. Step back from the brink. We need to see an immediate ceasefire. To provide space. for a diplomatic settlement. And we are working with all partners to that end. Because further escalation serves no one. It offers nothing but more suffering for innocent people on all sides, and the prospect of a wider war that no one can control, and with consequences that none of us can foresee. This is intimately linked with the situation in Gaza, where again we need to see an immediate ceasefire. It shames us all that the suffering in Gaza continues to grow. The answer is diplomacy. The release of all the hostages and the unfettered flow of aid to those in need. That is the only way to break this devastating cycle of violence and begin the journey towards a political solution for the long term, which delivers the long-promised Palestinian state alongside a safe and secure Israel. We must also work together for peace in Sudan, and a proper response to the worst humanitarian crisis in the world today. We need to see greater action to deliver aid and to deliver peace. The world cannot look away. And we must stand up for international law. And that’s why we are so resolute in our support for Ukraine. They are exercising their right to self-defence as provided for under the UN Charter, and recognised by 141 members of this Assembly. We will stand with Ukraine for as long as it takes. Because the alternative would be to confirm the worst claims about this place, that international law is merely a paper tiger, and that aggressors can do what they will. We will never let that happen, because it is our duty to respond to a more dangerous world with strength, to keep our people safe. But alone, that’s not enough. That’s not the limit of our responsibility. We must also work together to make the world less dangerous. And so we have to face some hard truths. The institutions of peace are struggling, underfunded, under pressure, and over-politicized. The entire framework of arms control and counter-proliferation, painstakingly constructed after decades, has begun to fall away. Iran continues to expand its nuclear activity, in violation of its international commitments. Incredible new technologies, like AI, are being deployed for military use, without agreed rules. These are difficult challenges to grip, and too urgent to ignore. That’s why the new pact for the future is so important. We must put new energy and creativity into conflict resolution and conflict prevention, reverse the trend towards ever-greater violence, make the institutions of peace fit for purpose, and hold members to their commitments under the UN Charter. But again, reducing conflict is not the limit of our responsibility. Other global challenges impact us too. So we must work to get the SDGs back on track. So Mr. President, under my leadership, the UK will lead again, tackling climate change at home and internationally, and restoring our commitment to international development. Like many of you, in a few weeks’ time, I will be travelling to Samoa for the Commonwealth Heads of Government meeting, where a generation of children are having to contemplate fleeing their island of their birth, for good. The threat of climate change is existential, and it’s happening in the here and now. So we have to reset Britain’s approach. We have lifted the de facto ban on onshore wind in England, ended new oil and gas licences, and created great I am pleased to tell you that we will meet our net zero target with an ambitious NDC at COP 29, consistent with limiting warming to 1.5 degrees. We will support others to do the same. I know that finance is at the heart of this. So the UK will continue to be a leading contributor to international climate finance that includes supporting nature and forests, because this is vital for biodiversity and reducing emissions. And it includes funding for climate adaptation, because those who did not cause this crisis should not be left to cope with the consequences. And the UK will also continue to be a leading contributor to development committed to returning to 0.7% when fiscal circumstances allow. But let’s be frank. Public finance will never fully meet the needs. So we must use it as a multiplier to unlock much greater levels of private investment. And we have already started this work. I can announce today that we’re creating a new facility, the British International Investment, which will work with the City of London to mobilise billions in pension and insurance funds to invest in boosting development and fighting climate change. This is a great British innovation. And if we’re going to deliver in each of the areas I’ve talked about today, with all the benefits that we’ll bring, then this is the kind of approach that we need to take. Innovating, thinking differently, moving faster and being ready to change how we do things in three key areas. First, we must change the international financial system to deliver a fairer deal for developing countries. We will use our seat on the boards of the IMF and the World Bank to argue for a bolder approach to tackle unsustainable debt, which is compounding poverty and inequality, depriving the sick of healthcare and children of education. and K.K. Shah. We must tackle the barriers to investment which choke off the flow of private finance and we must put a price on the true cost of emissions through a new levy on global shipping with the proceeds going to tackle climate change and cut emissions even further. Crucially, we need to accelerate reform of the multilateral development banks so that they shoulder more risk, unlocking hundreds of billions more to help the poorest and build a low carbon global economy. A critical milestone in the fight against poverty is approaching with the replenishment of the International Development Association. This is the chance for everyone to show greater ambition so the IDA can be a bigger and better helping more people, especially those in fragile states and conflict zones. On that basis, we will be ambitious too. We will increase our pledge and play our part in seizing the potential of this moment. Second, if we want the system to deliver for the poorest and most vulnerable, then their voices must be heard. We need to make the system more representative and more responsive to those who need it most. So we will make the case not just for fairer outcomes, but fairer representation in how we reach them. This also applies to the Security Council. It has to change to become a more representative body, willing to act, not paralysed by politics. We want to see permanent African representation on the Council – Brazil, India, Japan and Germany as permanent members. And more seats for elected members as well. Finally, to support this, we will also change how the UK does it. on the Human Rights Council and joining forces to tackle the toughest challenges like antimicrobial resistance, preparedness for the next pandemic and outbreaks of deadly diseases like Mpox. We are ready to work with all UN members because the scale of the challenges we face demands it and our prosperity and security depends on it. I say it again, all this matters to Britain. Mr President, by tackling conflict, making progress in the fight against climate change and poverty and reforming the international system so that it’s fit for the 21st century, we can realise the hope and the promise that shine through the founding documents of this organisation. Together, in all our interests, we can change direction from the dangerous, destructive path we find ourselves on and turn instead towards the rule of law, towards co-operation, responsibility and progress, towards peace. Thank you.

President: On behalf of the Assembly, I wish to thank the Prime Minister and First Lord of the Treasury of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland. Oli, Prime Minister of Nepal. I request protocol to escort His Excellency and invite him to address the assembly.

K.P. Sharma Oli – Nepal: Mr. President, Your Excellencies, the heads of state and government, Mr. Secretary General, distinguished delegates, ladies and gentlemen. I stand here as a humble representative of 30 million proud Nepali people. At the very outset, allow me to extend my sincere congratulations to you, Mr. President, and distinguished members of the Bureau, on your well-deserved elections. I would also like to reaffirm Nepal’s full support as you undertake the important responsibilities entrusted to you. We extend our deepest appreciation to His Excellency, Mr. Dennis Francis, the outgoing president, for his commendable leadership in successfully guiding the 78th session of the assembly. Our highest accolades are due to the Secretary General, Mr. António Guterres, for his tireless dedication to reinforcing multilateralism and tackling global challenges. I fondly recall your visit to Nepal last year, Mr. Secretary General, and your message of peace from the sacred birthplace of Gautama Buddha, and the message of climate catastrophe of mountains from the Everest region. Mr. President, the world is at a watershed moment in history. The contrast between rich and poor, harmony and hatred, and economic development and environmental destruction have never been as stark as they are today. Both people and planet stand on the brink of climate catastrophe. Geographical rivalries are resurging. Military expenditures are skyrocketing, along with an unabated arms race. The specter of nuclear conflict looms larger than ever even before. On the one hand, our economy remains frail, still grappling with the lingering effects of the COVID-19 pandemic. On the other, nationalism and protectionism have re-emerged, even before we have reaped the benefits that liberalism and globalization were meant to deliver. Even after 300 years of industrialization and modernization journey. It is deeply troubling that in our so-called civilized world of 21st century, wealth and prosperity are concentrated mostly at the hand of global north and the poverty and destitution are heavily concentrated in the global south, particularly in the least developed countries. To overcome this travesty, we must demonstrate our leadership that promotes meaningful cooperation and collaboration. It is only through collective will and unified action that we can turn the tide and usher in an era of enduring peace and shared prosperity for all. In this context, the theme of this session, leaving no one behind, acting together for the advancement of peace, sustainable development, and human dignity for present and future generations, would not be more timely or relevant. We have reaffirmed our commitment through the Summit of the Future to build a safe, just, and sustainable world for both present and future generations. This pledge is embodied in the three pivotal documents we have adopted, the Pact of the Future, the Declaration on Future Generation, and the Global Digital Compact. We must demonstrate our determination to implement these documents for the well-being of present and future generations. Mr. President, allow me to underline that the principle of leaving no one behind has long been the cornerstone of Nepal’s approach to development across all sectors. This philosophy is enshrined. in our Constitution, which upholds the values of democracy by guaranteeing inclusivity, equality, justice, proportional representation, women’s rights, and social protection for the most vulnerable sections of society. I am determined to lead my country with my deep conviction to comprehensive democracy. For me, comprehensive democracy ensures equal rights, equal access to opportunities, social justice, protects the vulnerable communities, and provides the security and dignity for all individuals. Democracy goes far beyond the right of the people to choose their leaders. It is about leading the people towards prosperity and happiness so that they could feel the highest level of dignity. At the international level, sovereign equality and mutual respect constitute the backdrop of comprehensive democracy. These principles are essential for building the frameworks of a just, inclusive, equitable, representative, and accountable global order. Mr. President, as a nation emerging from conflict, Nepal deeply understands the profound value of peace and political stability. Since the signing of the Comprehensive Peace Accord in 2006, Nepal has been firmly focused on completing the peace process at the earliest. Immediately after the formation of my government, Parliament passed a transitional justice bill to settle transitional justice issues once and for all. While we implement the law, we will uphold victims’ rights, including truth and justice. We will also use reparations and reconciliation to heal the wounds and scars of the conflict period. We appreciate support from the international community, including the UN system, in this regard. The present government, formed by the collaboration of our two major political parties, is determined to secure stability while driving economic transformation for the inclusive and equitable prosperity to our people. At this juncture, stability and economic transformation are paramount to us than our periodic competition in elections. We have dedicated ourselves to realizing our national aspiration, prosperous Nepal, happy Nepal. Nepal will be graduating from its LDC status by 2026. We are diligent. We are currently working towards achieving the Sustainable Development Goals SDGs by 2030 and Aspire has become a developed country by 2043, despite facing significant economic headwinds. However, our path to achieving the SDGs remains fraught with difficulties. We are confronted with a substantial financial gap of about US$24 billion to attain the 2030 Agenda. In this backdrop, Nepal hosted the IDA’s 21st Replenishment Meeting last June, underscoring the crucial need for continued and enhanced support from the International Development Association, along with other development partners. In this pursuit, we strongly reiterate our call for enhanced, predictable and sustained international support. Mr. President, Climate change has emerged as the gravest threat to our planet, people and prosperity. My own country, Nepal, is particularly hard hit. We stand as one of the most vulnerable nations to climate change and are ranked as the 20th most disaster-prone country in the world. Of utmost concern is the alarming rate at which the pristine Himalayas, often referred to as the Third Pole, are losing their vast snow reserves. This loss threatens water availability for billions of people living downstream. Nepal has hugely contributed to the health of our planet through its forests, mountains and rivers. Despite these efforts, we continue to bear the brunt of climate change. In this context, we call for climate justice. Our mountains play a crucial role in regulating the climate and ecosystem of oceans, with their snow-fed rivers flowing down to the oceans. Nepal’s Himalayas, as a natural climate stabilizer, help maintain. a cooling system in a region situated in the hottest zone of the planet between the Tropic of Cancer and Capricorn. Given their significance, it is essential that the Mountain Agenda should receive due attention in climate negotiations. Nepal is steadfast in its commitment to the Paris Agreement and aims to achieve net zero target by 2045, five years earlier than global target. As climate change is a global challenge, it demands global action and collaborative efforts to address its widespread and cascading impacts. Adequate climate financing, including loss and damage, is crucial to support climate-resilient measures and infrastructure for adaptation in developing countries, not least in LDCs. Mr. President, Nepal’s land is based with the wisdom of enlightened great sages from both the Hindu and Buddhist faith, particularly the teachings of Gautama Buddha. This profound legacy has saved our worldview to seek global harmony, peace, and security. The values of love, harmony, tolerance, and empathy as exposed by Gautama Buddha hold even greater relevance today than they did over 2,500 years ago. But to our deep dismay, the world is increasingly distressed by division, suspicion, hatred, and enmity. Nepal firmly believes that dialogue and diplomacy are the sole means to resolve conflicts, including in Ukraine and the Middle East. It is through love and compassion that hostility and hatred can be overcome, paving the way for lasting peace. On the issue of Israel-Palestine conflict, we continue to support a two-state solution where Israel and Palestine coexist peacefully and securely within internationally recognized borders, in line with relevant United Nations resolutions. We must address the worsening humanitarian crisis in regions such as Libya, Syria, Sudan, South Sudan, Yemen, and elsewhere. It is vital to uphold the principles of sovereign equality, non-interference as enshrined in the UN Charter, to ensure peace and stability. Consequently, we strengthly oppose any form of unilateral intervention or sanctions. Mr. President, disarmament and non-proliferation issues must be prioritized. Nepal strongly advocates for the general and complete disarmament of all weapons of mass destruction. As the host country to the UN Regional Centre for Peace and Disarmament in Asia and the Pacific, Nepal firmly believes in regional efforts, including the Kathmandu process. So, to strengthen the global disarmament regime. Technology represents a double-edged sword, especially for the least developed countries. If we harness it, we can make remarkable progress. If we fail, it will leave us further behind. We call for technology transfer to enable us to catch up. Mr. President, Nepal has always adhered to a peaceful, independent, balanced, and non-aligned foreign policy, based on the principles of Pancasila, the UN Charter, international law, and norms of world peace. We conduct our foreign policy with profound belief in enmity with all and enmity with none. Nepal remains committed to further strengthening its close, cordial, and constructive relations with its immediate neighbours and beyond, rooted in the principles of mutual respect, sovereign equality, territorial integrity, non-interference in each other’s internal affairs, and peaceful coexistence. It is the largest contributor of troops and police to UN peace operations. Nepal stands ready to further enhance its contribution to global peace and security. Nepal believes it is our rightful call for having commensurate representation in the leadership positions, both at the UN headquarters and in the field, reflecting our significant contribution. Mr. President, Nepal firmly advocates for the reform of the UN system to make it more effective, democratic, transparent, and accountable. We firmly believe that stronger multilateralism with the United and many others. We echo a call for substantial reform of the global financial system as aptly described by Secretary-General António Guterres as morally bankrupt. The voice and representation of countries in special situations including the LDCs, landlocked developing countries, LLDCs and small island developing states must be ensured. Mr. President, Nepal firmly upholds the belief that all human rights are universal, unalienable, indivisible, interdependent and interrelated. It is with this conviction that we have become a party to 24 international human rights-related conventions and protocols, including seven of the nine core instruments. We are fully committed to promoting gender equality and ensuring equal rights for women. Nepal is making necessary legal arrangements for the full realization of all human rights for women and girls, including their sexual and reproductive health rights. We are also promoting the protection of the rights of migrant workers, including their safety, security, dignity and well-being, as always reminded our priority. We strongly advocate, so far, early and regularly, migration to ensure that the benefits of migration are shared by all. Finally, Mr. President, the world we inhabit is far from being perfect. It is not all doom and gloom. We firmly believe that humankind is still capable enough to march ahead without compromising the prosperity and happiness of future generations. None of the global challenges we are facing today have been imposed by alliance. These are our own makings, our own creations. Therefore, it is self-evident that by fostering global understanding, trust and cooperation, we can overcome these problems and challenges. A just, inclusive and equitable world order, as well as sustained prosperity, are attainable when we collaborate effectively. Let me resonate the wisdom of our ancient text, the Maha Upanishad, from around the 6th century BC, Vasudhaiva Kutumbakam, meaning the whole world is one family. We not only hold this philosophy dearly, but we also act it on our everyday life. With this constant conviction, Nepal is committed to playing its role to secure Thank you.

President: On behalf of the Assembly, I wish to thank the Prime Minister of Nepal. I now give the floor to His Excellency Winston Peters, Deputy Prime Minister, Minister for Foreign Affairs and Minister for Racing of New Zealand.

Winston Peters – New Zealand: Mr President, nearly four score years ago, nations exhausted from the cataclysmic World War came together in San Francisco to create the United Nations Charter. Forged in the immediate aftermath of that war, then New Zealand Prime Minister Peter Fraser held the greatest hopes for the Charter’s success, which he believed would be predicated on, quote, the sincerity and moral determination of its members. But the beginning is a delicate time, and Fraser was a realist. He understood the Charter was imperfect. From the earliest debates in San Francisco, New Zealand fought against the veto right. Fraser warned that the veto which can be exercised by one of the great powers, both in regard to itself and other nations, is unfair and indefensible, and may, if retained and exercised, be destructive not only of the main purposes of the international organisation, but of the institution itself. Fraser knew that the United Nations Charter could only be secured with the Great Powers Agreement, and though he considered the Charter imperfect, he thought those imperfections could be overcome if the spirit of San Francisco is carried into the operation of the Charter. The spirit of San Francisco incorporated the hope that the great powers behave prudently, for as Winston Churchill said, the price of greatness is responsibility. But today the spirit that created the United Nations Charter is sagging under the weight of its own potted history. Power waxes and wanes, so yesterday’s great powers, today’s permanent members of the Security Council, are challenged by periods of competition, or worse, abuse of the veto. This has serious implications for all members and the conduct of our foreign affairs. While some permanent members exercise restraint in their use of the veto, others consistently and frequently abuse this power. When Russia, a permanent member of the Security Council, illegally invaded its neighbour, it did not just violate Article 2, Paragraph 4 of the Charter, it acted in utter contempt of the Charter. Russia then vetoed a draft Security Council… Mr. President, ladies and gentlemen, welcome to the United Nations Security Council Resolution condemning its actions and calling for the immediate withdrawal of its forces from Ukraine. Not only does Russia lack the sincerity and moral determination required to make the United Nations work, but its delinquency should be a clarion call for long overdue Security Council reform. As Prime Minister Fraser said back in 1946 when referring to the veto’s risks, quotes, it is very bad if one nation can hold up the advancement of mankind. Unquotes. The world of 2024 looks very unlike the one of 1945. And so our collective institutions need to evolve and reflect contemporary realities. We need a United Nations Security Council that looks more like today’s world. And we need veto reform. Tensions and imbalances between the desire for a rules-based international order that protects small states against aggression and the unjustified exercise of power by certain great powers have only grown these past eight decades. Yet small states matter now as much as they did then. New Zealand holds the foundational belief that all states are equal and that our voices matter as much as the most powerful states represented here. It is the quality of our arguments and the principles of justice that inform them, not the size of our militaries, that should hold sway here. We smaller nations face many of the same challenges and share the same concerns. As my colleague from Singapore, Dr. Vivian Balakrishnan, put it at this year’s East Asia Summit Foreign Ministers’ Meeting in Laos, the problem for us is that that every small state that wants territorial integrity to be respected, that wants its political independence to be guarded, that depends on the UN Charter to plan long term, must view an invasion of a smaller neighbour by a larger neighbour as full frontal point of anxiety. We agree, we small states need today’s superpowers to talk more, seek better understanding between themselves and develop ways of compromising more. Rather than a zero sum game, affecting better relations between today’s great powers only enhances global stability and that is what we smaller nations seek. The regional and global challenges we face are stark, the worst the world has faced since World War II. The challenges are complex and daunting. Across the globe armed conflict is once more on the rise. Hard fought development gains are being reversed. Human rights challenges and eroded and geo-strategic tensions are threatening global security and stability. Growing distrust and division is making international cooperation more difficult, placing the United Nations under strain and hindering the organisation’s ability to find effective solutions. The world is facing a myriad of regional and global crises. We see multiple intersecting and mutually reinforcing crises of conflict, climate change and increasingly a crisis of trust in our institutions. So the challenges we face in the General Assembly are stark, indeed the worst in several generations. They also reinforce the truism that the global geo-strategic and security challenges faced in one era do not remain static. The world has changed, and so must we. Indeed, each generation of decision-makers confronts new challenges as economics, demographics, technologies, and societies evolve, as do the power calculations that accompany disruptive change. Old truths give way to new ones. The trick now, as it was then, is to have one’s eyes wide open upon and about the fundamental shifts that are taking place and be nimble enough to adapt to them. The need to adapt to changing historical context is also important and incumbent on the United Nations and its organisations. The rise of many lateral agreements is one sign of countries increasingly working together outside of the United Nations. Another is a cirrhosis around necessary veto reform. In the ten months since returning for a third time as New Zealand’s Foreign Minister, we have spoken widely with colleagues right across the globe. Summing up these discussions in a recent speech in Tokyo, we said that never has it been more apparent just how much diplomacy and the tools of statecraft matter in our troubled world. And since war and instability is everyone’s calamity, diplomacy is the business of us all. We observed that at this moment in time the ability to talk with, rather than at, each other has never been more needed. Those who share our values and those who do not gain from the understanding of each other’s position. And when we cannot agree, From understanding comes opportunity, and from diplomacy comes compromise, the building block of better relations between nations. We need more diplomacy, more engagement, and more compromise. As Churchill also said in his later years, quote, meeting jaw to jaw is better than war, unquote. Never has it been more apparent just how much political leadership is required to respond to the international challenges we face. Leadership is needed to restore trust in our domestic and international institutions, forge unity and fill the gaps when the international community through the United Nations proves unable to. So what does that leadership look like? It is leadership that can discern future opportunity while understanding but not being trapped by historical constraints. It is leadership that is underpinned by a leader’s strength of character, their courage, their purpose, and a commitment to educate, not dominate, their citizens. When he will turn 100 years in the next few days, we recall with admiration such leadership exhibited by then President Jimmy Carter in 1978 in concert with Egypt’s President Anwar Sadat and Israeli Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin. They talked for 11 straight days at Camp David, from which emerged the Middle East Peace Accords between Egypt and Israel. That peace has endured, and New Zealand is proud as a foundational member of the multinational force and observers to have supported that peace since 1982. The accord reveals what is possible when leaders exhibit sincerity. and Moral Determination, imbued by the spirit of San Francisco. We need more of this type of leadership and responsibility. Contrast that leadership with the catastrophic and ruinous path that has been followed in Gaza. This misery was caused by both Hamas’ monstrous terrorist attack last year and now the overwhelming nature of Israel’s response. We are most concerned about the generational consequences of this level of suffering and violence, with no end in sight and which sees us on the precipice of an even wider conflict. Where is the sincerity and moral determination of today’s leaders at the vortex of this unacceptable violence? New Zealand has sacrificed many of its young men to wars in faraway lands. Fully 10% of the total population of New Zealand fought in the Great War, and we lost a fifth of them. So every year on the 25th of April, we commemorate their loss at Gallipoli, the site of terrible carnage. This year, in a dawn address, we recalled that despite the horror of that war, on the Gallipoli Peninsula, fraternal bonds were forged between warring nations. Countries who were once enemies became friends. New Zealand never wants to experience the catastrophe of another world war. We must never be at another San Francisco conference picking up the pieces after another descent into global annihilation and human suffering. So we must do more. demand more and deliver more. We must reject and resist those who seek to conquer and control. We must always seek the path of peace, because the lasting victories of humanity are those of peace, not war. Finally, despite our frustration at the lack of political will required to adapt this organisation to fully meet the challenges of today, New Zealand’s support for the United Nations remains unwavering. That commitment is unchanged from when Prime Minister Fraser expressed his great hopes for the Charter eight decades ago. We believe effective multilateral diplomacy means taking responsibility for our obligations as member states. So to that end, we announce today New Zealand’s intention as a voice for smaller states to campaign for a seat on the Security Council for the 2039-40 term. That intention is supported by our enduring hope that the spirit of San Francisco can be reclaimed through the sincerity and moral determination of our diplomatic efforts. And that we can all do better. And that it reinforces our enduring support for the United Nations and the cause of peace. Thank you.

President: Victorian Government I thank the Deputy Prime Minister, Minister for Foreign Affairs, and Minister for Racing of New Zealand. His Excellency Mbae Mohamed, Minister for Foreign Affairs and International Cooperation, responsible for the Arab world, diaspora, the Francophonie, and African integration of the Comoros.

Mbae Mohamed – Comoros: Excellencies, Mr. President of the General Assembly, Your Majesty, Your Highness, Excellencies, Ladies and Gentlemen, Heads of Delegation, Ladies and Gentlemen, It is my honor to convey to you the warm greetings of His Excellency, Mr. Azali Asoumani, President of the Union of the Comoros, as well as his wishes for every success in the conduct of this work, which is of global significance. First and foremost, I wish to convey to the authorities of the United States, on behalf of our delegation, our warm gratitude for the warm welcome from you in New York during our participation during this 79th session of the United Nations General Assembly. I wish to also convey my warm greetings to His Excellency, Philemon Young, on his election, and we welcome his election to the presidency of the 79th session of the General Assembly. And I wish to tell him that we, as Africans, are honored by his presidency. I wish to pay a warm tribute to His Excellency, Mr. Dennis Francis, for his wise, skillful stewardship and his commitment to peace and development during his presidency. On behalf of my country I wish to thank His Excellency Mr. António Guterres, United Nations Secretary General, for his commitment to peace and development. Mr. President, this session of the United Nations General Assembly is opening once again at a delicate time in the life of the international community. Since the 22nd of February 2022, the war in Ukraine has continued to ravage two great European countries, imperiling the well-being and disrupting the balance of the world. On behalf of our country, I urge the Russian and Ukrainian leaders to embrace the path of dialogue and negotiations. This is a wish from us to their peoples, to ensure vis-à-vis the mark that will be left in history, but also we advocate a ceasefire, first and foremost, peace as well. These are prerequisites for peace, economic and social, and food-related development for the entire world, in particular in Africa, which has been plagued by conflict. I now turn to Palestine. In light of the realities endured on a day-to-day basis, there is no doubt that we are not seeing legitimate defense. This war has been punctuated by disproportionate use of force, largely targeting innocent people. This is the purest form of genocide perpetrated by the Israeli forces in Gaza, which we condemn, and there is an urgent need to bring this to an end. The horrors endured by the people in Palestine have been reflected. In our daily reality, as we see the deaths of more than 40,000 people, including women and innocent children, more than 100,000 injured people, forced displacements of thousands of people under inhumane conditions, as well as the systematic destruction of hospitals and residential buildings, our country reaffirms our full solidarity and our steadfast support to the fraternal people of Palestine. We beseech the international community to act for an immediate cessation of hostilities and for a rapid resumption of the delivery of humanitarian assistance. Furthermore, we call for a fair and lasting solution rooted in international law and the relevant resolutions of the United Nations. We specifically call upon the international community to work quickly to arrive at the two-state solution, that of two states, a sovereign Palestinian state with East Jerusalem as its capital, living side by side in full security with Israel. We applaud the admission of the State of Palestine as a full-fledged member of the United Nations, as well as its participation in the work of the United Nations beginning with this session. I also wish to recall that the situation in the West Bank is also of great concern, and as has been stressed by Cardinal Pizabala, Latin Patriarch of Jerusalem, what is transpiring is a palpable and concrete example of how hatred, resentment, contempt have unleashed forms of violence that are increasingly extreme and increasingly difficult to contain. The situation in the Sudan is also a focus of our attention. We call upon the two parties to the conflict to exercise restraint. to shield their populations from the horrors of this war, which for fraternal peoples has lasted for far too long. I now turn to Western Sahara. The Union of the Comoros believes that the autonomy plan for this territory within the Sharifian Kingdom, submitted in 2007 by the Moroccan authorities, is the surest way to arrive at a lasting settlement to the anachronistic conflict. The perpetuation of this conflict runs counter to the interests of the peoples concerned and towards the economic development of the entire region. My country therefore calls upon the stakeholders to embrace this, and we urge the international community to extend its support for this. On the other hand, I wish to stress that international law and openness to dialogue need to prevail with a grasp of the problems, but particularly political issues. The same applies to respect for the territorial integrity of states. And as for the question of the Comoran island of Mayotte, let us recall that Comoran unity is a reality based on ethnogeographic, linguistic, religious, and economic data, despite the fact that this is an island nation. And this is in addition to the country’s commitment to the sacred sancte principles of international law and to the resolutions of the United Nations, which recognize the sovereignty of Comoros over the island of Mayotte. I therefore wish to take this opportunity, being present here on the rostrum of the General Assembly, eminent symbol of multilateralism, to reaffirm the steadfast desire of the government of Comoros to respect law, rule of law, and our openness to dialogue when it comes to this dispute pitting the Union of Comoros against France. And this is important to achieve a fair, lasting solution to safeguard the shared interests of our friendly country. The Union of Comoros reiterates our commitment to the declaration adopted at the Summit for the Future, which was held on 22 September, on the sidelines of the General Assembly. We advocate meaningful international cooperation to establish guidelines in order to shape legal tools guaranteeing development and equitable use of artificial intelligence, in order to ensure that this help to result in growth of productivity and knowledge throughout the world. This declaration ushers in, inter alia, promising prospects in terms of taking on board and tackling specific issues faced by small island developing states. In this regard, the SIDS4 conference, which was held last May in Antigua and Barbuda, also was an important step forward in this universal awareness. We call for stringent respect for the Paris Agreement, as well as meaningful and appropriate levels of financial and technical support. We eagerly anticipate the next Conference on Financing for Development to be held in Spain in 2025. This conference will be an opportunity for states in the South to champion reforms in banks and multilateral development institutions, as well as to ensure a predictable framework for sustainable resources that are acceptable, accessible, and predictable. To ensure the success of this event, we cherish the hope that countries concerned will unite to work together to set out their proposals. Peace and political stability are two critical pillars underpinning development initiatives. Following the elections on 14 January 2024, which resulted in His Excellency Mr. Azalea Sohmani taking up the Supreme Magistrate. Assoumani, Mr. Assoumani undertook to advance the noble mission of accelerating our development by 2030, our head of state has adopted a commitment to accelerate the emergence and development of the country. This is reflected in the implementation of landmark projects, which are reflected in the developing comoros plan, and they were presented during the conference of development partners of the comoros, and this conference was held in Paris in December 2019. The comoros development plan also contains structural projects, including the development program for the blue economy. This is a critical, promising sector, which will be an engine for the economic and social transformation of our country. We recognize the crucial role of the blue economy, and we wish to stress the specificities of island states. My country, therefore, organized in Moroni in June 2023 under the Comoron Presidency of the African Union with support from partners, the Conference of Ministers on the Blue Economy and Climate Action, and the theme was island states and the avant-garde. There was participation during this conference from coastal and island states in Africa. The Moroni Declaration was adopted following this conference, and among other elements, there was an emphasis on those of a roadmap to implement in order to take into account the specificities and the vulnerability of states, of these states, by the international community. The next Oceans Conference will afford us an opportunity to present the Moroni Declaration, whose commitments converge with the global sustainable development goals. Mr. President, our government attributes particular importance to young people. We have a number of initiatives which are underway to generate The President and the Head of State of the Union of the Comoros is committed to the empowerment of young people, and he has placed great trust in young people in terms of their ability to generate new momentum as an engine for the country. And a few months ago, a government was put together, comprised largely of young civil servants, and the challenge was undertaken to engage young people in the country’s transformation as for the renewal of Comoros. And these key areas, the Head of State also highlighted sports, culture, art, and heritage in the five-year agenda, thereby emphasizing his keenness to develop social sectors that contribute to shaping and enhancing our national identity. With respect to athletics, on behalf of the President of the Union of Comoros and his government, I wish to pay a vibrant tribute to our national team, the Coalescences, for their performances, which are a source of great pride for our people. We as an international community are faced with many challenges, and we need to pull our efforts to tackle them. This session has brought together the Assembly of Nations. It generates hope for peoples to see a highlighting of shifts in issues having to do with their anxieties and concerns. In the name of the noble values which unite us, let us work to assuage these anxieties and concerns, transforming them into hope, especially by rising to the aspirations of our respective peoples. Thank you very much for your attention.

President: I thank the Minister for Foreign Affairs and International Corporation, responsible for the Arab world, diaspora, the francophonie, and African integration of the Comoros. I now give the floor to Her Excellency Dominique Hasler, Minister for Foreign Affairs, Education, and Sport of Liechtenstein.

Dominique Hasler – Liechtenstein: Mr. President, the UN is a special meeting place for all countries. This is what our head of state said in his very first speech at the UN General Assembly when Liechtenstein became a member 34 years ago. It is a singular forum where not only countries come together, but peoples. I was very young then, just about to enter high school, but I I remember vividly the sense of significance that prevailed among us back in 1990. The wish to safeguard our sovereignty was a key incentive for us, a team that resonates so strongly among many, many small states today. We have never seen membership as just an end in itself. The United Nations has been a key foreign policy platform for Liechtenstein. We have made a significant political investment, developed our own profile, been an independent voice and put forward our own initiatives, most recently the WITO initiative. For us, the people and the government of Liechtenstein, the main purpose of the United Nations remains peace and security, to save succeeding generations from the scourge of war in the immortal words of the UN Charter. It saddens me to say that this purpose has lost none of its relevance today. The aggression against Ukraine, planned and perpetrated by those who wield power in the Russian Federation, has not only destroyed the European security architecture. It has undermined the international legal order as such. And it has created a real risk and genuine fear of future illegal war-making, not just in our part of the world. After enjoying long decades of peace, which is much more than the absence of war, our people have been able to live in prosperity and with full respect for human rights. As a small state, without armed forces, the guarantor of our sovereignty is respect for international law, which the UN embodies like no other organization. Our unequivocal stance in support of Ukraine is thereof a commitment to the international order and, ultimately, to our own security. More than two years of brutal war of aggression have brought immeasurable human suffering, economic devastation of immense proportions and environmental damage for decades to come. Many of these outcomes are, sadly, irreversible. But together, we have the opportunity and the responsibility to bring about a just peace. And, indeed, there will be no peace without justice. Peace must, therefore, be based on the terms we have already set together in this hall. And it must ensure individual criminal accountability for those who have, willfully and unprovoked, initiated this war of aggression. This alone will ensure that there is a prospect for sustainable peace for Ukraine, but also for the region as a whole. This alone will give small states everywhere the confidence and belief that their sovereignty and territorial integrity will be protected and safeguarded here at the United Nations, while demonstrating that we are committed and able to fulfill the purpose that has brought us together in this organization. Mr. President, much of what we have done in recent years here in New York was driven by the belief that we must safeguard the role of the United Nations in maintaining peace and security. We support a strong Security Council, but see little indication that it will be able to come together in the way the current challenges require. Rather than criticizing and lamenting what is a political reality, we have to think about alternative avenues, avenues that do indeed exist. This Assembly is the key platform in this respect. It has taken the lead on Ukraine and it has adopted important decisions on the Gaza War. And, under the terms of the Veto Initiative, which has resonated so strongly in this hall, it is given the option to act whenever the Council is paralyzed by a veto. The Pact of the Future has given us the necessary basis to continue what we have begun and to chart a new path for peace and security. Only in working together will we be able to deliver on this promise. Mr. President, for almost a year now, the situation in the Middle East has absorbed much of our attention. We have witnessed with horror the terrorist attack on the civilian population of Israel on the 7th of October. And we are shocked and appalled by the suffering of the civilian population of Gaza, the many thousands of innocent victims, a very large number of children among them, which is simply unacceptable. The protection of civilians is a key priority on the agenda of the United Nations. However, it seems to be a mere afterthought for those making the decisions on both sides of the conflict whose actions cause human suffering and threaten stability in the region. We are deeply concerned about the next level of escalation between Israel and Hezbollah and join the call for a 21-day ceasefire in order to prevent a further conflagration in the region. Liechtenstein is a strong supporter of the two-state solution. As such, we prioritize the protection of all civilians affected in our response and in our decision-making. We have contributed humanitarian assistance to the civilian population. I have called for the full respect for international humanitarian law by all and with that I call again for the immediate and unconditional release of all hostages. We support the efforts by the International Criminal Court to investigate according to its mandate. The two-state solution, which enjoys overwhelming support among all of us in this hall, was decided by this very Assembly many decades ago. There is no other conflict where the United Nations has a clearer and longer-lasting responsibility. The end of the war in Gaza will only be one step in the long and difficult path to a two-state solution that allows Israel and Palestine to live together in peace and security in line with the right of self-determination of all peoples. Knowing that this will take time, it is even more important that all actors stop escalating the conflict further and that the human suffering ends today. The UN and each single member state need to live up to the goal we have set ourselves many years ago and bring this conflict to an end. Mr. President, The sovereign equality of all countries and respect for international law are key for all UN members to thrive, but for smaller ones even more so. It is no surprise, then, that in this building my country is known in particular for our clear and consistent stance in support of the rule of law. We are proud of the work we have done on international law. And it is a commitment we are determined to continue, especially as there is no doubt that international law is under attack from more sides and in more ways than ever before. Today, I call on you, I call on all of us, to face this challenge as an opportunity, to come together and unite in a way that brings together all who need international law, upheld for their survival and prosperity. All of whose best and sometimes only best interests are at stake. And finally, the most important thing that the United Nations really defends is that the rules governing the contact between states since 1945 are actually enforced. All of us who are willing to stand up for each other, driven by both solidarity and enlightened self-interest. Today, it is a moment for us to realize that we must not take the existence of the United Nations for granted. That this organization’s foundation is rooted in international law. But also that it is us in this room that have the power and means necessary if we work together. Doom and gloom are not the hallmark of leadership. We are encouraged by the fact that small states in particular are increasingly standing up for the rule of law and against the rule of might. We are gratified to see that the International Court of Justice and its decisions is looked at for guidance in our decision-making in challenges ranging from the two-state solution to the applicability of the Genocide Convention to climate change. This is a good, and more importantly, a necessary time to be the change that we want to see in the world. Mr. President, we politicians have the privilege, the agency, and the voice that we have to use. This, in my view, comes also with the obligation to speak up for those who do not have a voice. In a shockingly literal sense, the women of Afghanistan do not have a voice at all anymore. I therefore want to speak up for them from this podium. The denial of even their most basic human rights must be completely unacceptable for this organization and its representatives. We will continue to demand that the United Nations lives up to its special obligation and supports action to fight this extreme case of gender persecution. We must also speak up against the brutal oppression of women in Iran. Women across the world have been speaking up as agents of change for many years. We must ensure those voices are amplified at the highest level. As experience has shown, we will get better results for everyone if we entrust leadership positions much more often to women. As many others, I believe that it is a credibility challenge for the United Nations that a woman has yet to lead this organization. After decades of talking about gender equality, the United Nations should shine as an example. Mr. President, we simply need to do what we have promised – on peace, the central mission of this organization, on gender equality, on human rights, on deterring aggression and on ensuring accountability. The collective action so urgently needed today requires strong leadership, which is often lacking today. Leadership, whether by woman or man, comes with responsibility, accountability, and with the ability and willingness to listen to and work in the interests of those we represent. All of us that have had the privilege to speak from this podium have an obligation to present and future generations to deliver on the great hopes placed in our United Nations. Only then is this organization the singular place that serves the people of the world in their desire for world peace. Thank you.

President: I thank the Minister for Foreign Affairs, Education and Sport of Liechtenstein. I now give the floor to Her Excellency Maria Malmer Stenergard, Minister for Foreign Affairs of Sweden.

Maria Malmer Stenergard – Sweden: Thank you. Mr. President, Excellencies, we are gathered in this Assembly while the world and this organization are facing major and existential challenges. We are gathered while we are witnessing an unprecedented number of armed conflicts from Ukraine to Sudan, the Eastern Democratic Republic of Congo and Gaza. We are gathered while we are failing at our collective goal of maintaining international peace and security, of saving future generations from the horrors of war and from the disastrous consequences of underdevelopment and climate change. Mr. President, the UN Charter, the sovereign equality of all states, the peaceful settlement of disputes, the prohibition of the threat or use of force against any state is being challenged. We must stand by the Charter. Sweden’s strong defense of international law, including the UN Charter, is based on the understanding that both our own security and that of other countries depends on it. Showing respect for sovereignty, territorial integrity and political independence of all states, both large and small, is in our common interest. At its core lies the need for a global system that is open, predictable and applies equally to all. In too many places around the world, including in Sweden’s immediate neighborhood, we are witnessing the consequences of violations of the rules and principles we have all agreed to. Since the start of Russia’s aggression against Ukraine in 2014 and with a full-scale invasion of Ukraine in 2022, Russia has brutally invaded the territory of another UN member state. This assembly has strongly and repeatedly We have repeatedly condemned Russia’s aggression against Ukraine as a blatant violation of international law, including the UN Charter. If a member of the Security Council is allowed to reap the fruits of aggression, the harmful impact will not stop with Ukraine. Russia’s leadership will continue its attempts to impose its rule on neighboring countries. The territorial integrity and sovereignty of all states must serve as a basis for a comprehensive, just and lasting peace in Ukraine. This was confirmed at the peace summit in Switzerland in June, which gathered some 100 delegations from all continents. Ukraine has made clear from the start that it wants a peaceful settlement based on the UN Charter. As President Zelensky rightfully said in his speech before this Assembly yesterday, there can be no just peace without Ukraine. Sweden’s steadfast support for Ukraine’s efforts to restore its sovereignty and territorial integrity will continue for as long as it takes. As a direct response to Russia’s full-scale invasion, Sweden and Finland chose to join NATO. For Sweden’s part, this represents a truly historic change, ending 200 years of military non-alignment. This was our decision to make because it is the right of each state to choose its own security policy path. Sweden’s NATO membership gives us a new, crucial platform to defend the fundamental values of our foreign and security policy. We will apply the same principled approach in NATO as we do in the UN, the EU, the OSCE, and the Council of Europe. In other words, we will continue to defend international law, democracy, individual freedoms, human rights, and gender equality. Mr. President, Sweden has always defended the universal principles of sovereignty and the right to self-determination. In fact, Sweden has consistently supported countries struggling to achieve this goal. Thank you very much for your attention and for your participation in this important event. We are in the midst of a global pandemic, and we are struggling for liberty, independence and democracy, not least in Africa. And we continue to be an engaged partner of African countries. To take just one example, I am deeply concerned about the situation in Sudan. With rapid and unhindered humanitarian access, an immediate ceasefire and negotiations ensuring a return to civilian rule are urgently required. Therefore, Sudan is among the countries receiving the most humanitarian support from Sweden this year. Sweden remains a key partner and donor of UN humanitarian assistance, as well as of peacekeeping and peacebuilding efforts. Similarly, Sweden supports the ongoing peace efforts by the United Nations in Yemen, where we will continue to work with our partners for a principled and inclusive humanitarian response. The people of Yemen are looking to the international community for hope for a way out of humanitarian despair. We must answer that call. Mr. President, we are also faced with the threat of a regional war, the consequences of which no one can predict. My country’s longstanding commitment to peace efforts in the Middle East dates back to 1948 and the efforts of UN mediator Folke Bernadotte. Today, Sweden is one of the largest core donors to UN agencies and other organizations working to mitigate the immense suffering of the civilian population of Gaza. At the same time, Sweden stands up for Israel’s right to defend itself in accordance with international law, and we demand that the hostages be released. Israel is being threatened by Iran and its allies simultaneously on several fronts. Hezbollah has repeated The attacks since October 8th have led to a dangerous military escalation. Sweden fully supports the efforts by the United States, France, and others to reach a diplomatic solution. A ceasefire would provide space for reaching a diplomatic settlement consistent with UN Security Council Resolution 1701, as well as the implementation of UN Security Council Resolution 2735 on a ceasefire in Gaza. In the longer term, Sweden, like the EU and the United States, believe in the idea of a two-state solution in which Israelis and Palestinians can live side by side in peace, freedom, and democracy. Mr. President, in order to address global challenges, we need to ensure that our aid helps to mobilize additional resources, not least private capital. Development assistance alone is not enough to build long-term wealth and welfare. It must go hand in hand with democracy, the rule of law, market development, trade, investments, and technology transfer. We see that clearly in the countries now leaving poverty behind. We must also redouble our efforts to achieve the 2030 Agenda. Sweden is one of the world’s most generous donors of development assistance. Through our development assistance, we are accelerating the implementation of the Sustainable Development Goals. To achieve this, strong national ownership in partner countries and a broader approach to development cooperation among donors is needed. We must also step up the fight against corruption so that economic growth benefits the whole of society, not just a few. Mr. President, I can only note that women have been underrepresented as speakers this week at the general debate. Women make up 50% of the world’s population. Yet only 10% of speakers this week are women. There is, one could say, a lot of room for improvement in this regard. I agree with the Secretary General that global opposition to gender equality is on the rise. That is why gender equality is a core value in Sweden’s foreign policy. So let me say this – countries that stand up for women’s and girl’s rights are not only champions of freedom and human rights, they also benefit from broad labour market participation and economic growth. Respect for human rights, providing sexual and reproductive health and rights services, and empowering young women and girls are tangible contributions to advancing gender equality. This is what I want for the future of my daughter Kajsa, and for the daughters of others too. Simply put, our free society must stand up against those who wish to exploit our freedom, to restrict the freedom of others. Everyone must be able to live safely and freely, regardless of religious beliefs or personal convictions, regardless of skin colour, and regardless of whom they love. To my government, this is of such importance that we have begun work on an action plan for equal rights and opportunities for LGBTQI people. Mr President, the green and digital transition offers vast opportunities in terms of new jobs, increased growth and improved livelihoods. Sweden aims to become climate neutral by 2045 at the latest. As early movers, we want to show that it’s possible to reduce emissions while maintaining economic growth. At the same time, global ambitions on climate action and climate financing must be raised. Here as well, we are increasing our support even further and enhancing its effect, advancing innovative financial models to mobilise more private capital. Mr President, the many crises in our world today have shed a harsh light on the need for reforms of our multilateral system. We need global governance structures that can The UN Security Council, the body entrusted with the ultimate responsibility to maintain international peace and security, must be effective, transparent and accountable. Sweden supports a balanced expansion of the Security Council to better reflect current global political and economical realities. This can be achieved by such means as adding new permanent and non-permanent seats, including for African countries. Sweden also supports the ongoing reform processes in multilateral development banks to increase the effectiveness and scale of financing to achieve the Sustainable Development Goals and implement the Paris Agreement. Another area where strengthened global governance is essential is outer space. Modern societies are becoming more and more dependent on space services and the space environment is becoming increasingly congested and contested. Sweden is strongly committed to preventing an arms race in outer space and safeguarding the use of space for peaceful purposes. This includes all states’ full compliance with existing international law, including the Outer Space Treaty. We will continue to promote the development of norms and rules for responsible behavior in space. Together with Zambia, Sweden is proud to have co-facilitated the Global Digital Compact. Through this framework, all Member States have committed to strengthen international cooperation, to close digital divides between and within countries, and to establish the governance required for a sustainable digital world. Future, including on Artificial Intelligence. Rest assured, Sweden will continue to fulfill its responsibility and be an active, engaged and constructive multilateral actor. We will continue to be a close and demanding partner to the UN. We will constructively demand more. More efficiency. More coherence. More impact. More innovation. This is how we will achieve our shared ambitions for the future, together. Mr. President, this is a moment of major existential challenges, but we must not allow anything to stop us from defending the fundamental principles that form the foundation of this organization. It is true that there are areas where international law needs to be developed to meet new challenges. However, it is equally true that hundreds of millions of people have been lifted out of poverty based on the norms, the purposes and the principles enshrined in the UN Charter. Global health and well-being have reached unprecedented levels. People across the globe are enjoying justice, peace, freedom and prosperity at levels unimaginable to previous generations. It is a legacy to be proud of, one that we must do everything that we can to uphold. Thank you.

President: I thank Her Excellency Maria Malmör-Sternegaard, Minister for Foreign Affairs of Sweden. It is now my honor and pleasure to give the floor to His Excellency Alexander Schallenberg, Federal Minister for European and International Affairs of Austria.

Alexander Schallenberg – Austria: Mr. President, dear Axel, it’s actually a rare occasion where the person presiding the General Assembly and the person here at the rostrum are both Austrians. Excellencies, ladies and gentlemen, when we met in this hall last year many, including myself, referred to the challenging times we were facing. A world riddled by uncertainty, growing divisions and rising insecurity. A backsliding in hard-earned development gains. A backlash against universality of human rights. Looking back on the past 12 months, we must admit that the sense of being in a permanent state of emergency has actually not decreased. On the contrary, it has even deepened. Russia relentlessly pursues its full-scale war of aggression against Ukraine. A violation of the UN Charter, the most basic rules that we all in this room agreed upon, that still is shocking today. Yes, my country, Austria, is a militarily neutral country. But neutrality doesn’t mean and never meant indifference. We know very well that a world in which Russia succeeds in shifting borders with tanks and rockets is a world a lot more dangerous to all of us. After 946 days, I can only repeat that, 946 days of unspeakable human suffering and destruction, it is high time to return to diplomacy. Nobody wants, nobody deserves peace more than the people in Ukraine. And a negotiated peace, not a dictate from Moscow. And my friends, actually I’m encouraged. I’m encouraged by the conversations with many partners in this room I had over the last couple of weeks. Some of them from far beyond Europe’s borders. Encouraged that no matter where we stand, geographically, politically, or as far as ideology is concerned, we can all agree on the most basic principles of international laws. Those principles enshrined in the UN Charter. They should be the bedrock of any negotiation leading to a comprehensive, just, and lasting peace for Ukraine. And let me be very clear. There cannot be, and there shouldn’t be, negotiations on Ukraine without Ukraine. Ladies and gentlemen, In the Middle East, the barbaric terror attack of Hamas against Israel has brought a new dimension of devastation to a region not lacking in violence. Israelis are traumatized by the slaughter, torture, and sexual violence of October 7. Hostages are still being kept by the terrorists, including an Austrian father of two small children. And Palestinians in Gaza are facing starvation and disease in what can only be described as a humanitarian tragedy. All of this is truly heartbreaking. International humanitarian law, to be very clear, is non-negotiable. It applies everywhere, at all times, for everybody. Protection of civilians has to be and must be paramount. We need a ceasefire. We need a ceasefire to get the hostages out of Gaza and humanitarian aid into Gaza. And we need the ceasefire now. What we definitely don’t need is any side adding fuel to the fire. It is wishful thinking to believe that I still believe that the full-scale escalation between Israel and Hezbollah could be controlled. The result would be a firestorm engulfing the whole region and beyond. And in the end, everybody would lose. I still believe that there are enough reasonable voices and forces in the region wanting to work towards a political solution, a lasting political solution. A solution enabling us to continue with the normalization between Israel and the Arab world. A solution where we can finally realize the two-state solution. In my eyes, the only feasible and imaginable solution allowing Israelis and Palestinians to live side by side in peace and security. Other crisis hotspots are equally disastrous, but they get too little public attention. In Sudan, famine looms for millions of people, but the generals care more about power than their own people. While in Haiti, stabilization is slow to come after a total collapse of the state. Amidst all of this, humanity itself is facing fundamental questions with accelerating climate change, environmental disasters, and the rise of artificial intelligence. Dear colleagues, there is no sugarcoating it. We are living in times of uncertainty, compounded by rising political, economic, and ideological tensions. We see shifts and cracks bilaterally, regionally, and on a multilateral level. I recently came across a statement that is very simple, but it is true. In the past, we actually believed that we knew our future. Well, my friends, this bubble of wishful thinking has burst. once and for all. The pendulum is swinging from global integration towards global fragmentation. Isolation, protectionism, nationalism are on the rise. A zero-sum mentality is spreading, tempting us to divide partners and countries into either you’re with me or you’re against or even into ghosting or cancelling others, as if foreign policy worked like social media. And around the globe, there are whole legions of doomsday prophets, forces at the fringes of the political spectrum capitalizing on people’s doubts and fears. The business model is quick fixes and apparent easy answers. Their agenda is sowing discord. And yes, Austria is no exception. Coming Sunday, we will have parliamentary elections in my country. And also in Austria, some political forces are offering tempting but false solutions, even deliberately echoing the narratives of those forces which are trying to weaken our open and pluralistic societies, which are working against a strong and united Europe. To counter this, we need a strong center. We need to keep our nerves. We have to stay on message. We need to make sure that this era of doubt and anxiety doesn’t become an era of fear. Ladies and gentlemen, we all know that fear is a poor guide, especially in politics. And yes, our global order is changing. And yes, the world has become more complex. Some would even say it has become more frightening. But I’m deeply convinced that we have to stand up. and defend the rules-based international system. And we have to defend it with all means at our disposal. We must not be afraid to take a clear stance. It is worth being defended because it is and remains the best and I would even say the only guarantee for our security, for our stability and for our prosperity. For countries like Austria, it is paramount. We are dependent on this system. A system that respects the rule of law. A system that respects international law. A system that honors the principle of Pacta sunt servanda. A system where might does not make right. And it is an illusion to believe that there is anything to gain from demolishing or undermining the rules-based international system. If we lose it, everybody in this room will lose. I am not denying that we are in the midst of a systemic rivalry. There are some actors who consider open and democratic societies not only as a challenge but even as a threat. However, in the face of the turmoil and upheavals of the last few years, societies based on freedom, pluralism and individual rights have proven themselves stronger, more adaptive, more flexible and more resilient than most of us even believed ourselves. What we need most now, ladies and gentlemen, in this moment, is trust and confidence. Trust in our own capacities. Trust in our own principles. So my appeal today is very clear. Let us be more confident in our own strength. Yes, Austria will always be ready to defend its own interests, its values, its principles. But at the same time, We will always have the courage to look for the middle ground, to search the compromise, because we know that defending our multilateral system, defending our rules-based international order means to reform it. Our system of global governance is simply not delivering anymore. It is not inclusive enough. The Security Council, as it stands now, reflects a world that is long gone, and I believe it is actually unacceptable that we are held hostage so easily by the will of a handful of countries. We, as Austrians, and the Austrian government, we commit ourselves to making the Security Council more effective, more inclusive, and more accountable, including through our candidature for the non-permanent seat at elections in 2026. Austria will continue to champion a sensible and a pragmatic multilateralism, based on our genuine will for compromise, for dialogue. Despite the current fragmentations of the global order, our world will simply remain interdependent. We will not be able to raise the drawbridges, to decouple, to cancel, to ghost, as some make us to believe. This is a magical thinking. We need to face the challenges and complexities of our times head-on and together, with a healthy dose of realism and more confidence in our own capacities, principles, and strength. Thank you very much.

President: His Excellency Alexander Schallenberg, Federal Minister for European and International Affairs of Austria, and also for the kind words directed to the Chair. I now give the floor to His Excellency Arnoldo Ricardo André Tinoco, Minister for Foreign Affairs and Worship of Costa Rica.

Arnoldo Ricardo André Tinoco – Costa Rica: Mr. President, Excellencies, Costa Rica congratulates you upon your election to head up this General Assembly and we reiterate our commitment to advance towards a more peaceful, fair, sustainable and inclusive world. We come to this session in the midst of the resumption of the arms race, an increase in geopolitical tensions and systematic violations of human rights and of the principles of international law. With these challenges, we have an expansion of violent conflicts from Africa to Europe and the Middle East and, on our continent, the growing presence of drug trafficking and international organized crime. We are also facing the triple planetary crisis and an increase in poverty, inequality and widening gaps and asymmetries between countries and regions and within countries and regions. Meanwhile, our collective responses remain timid, delayed and insufficient. None of these challenges can be solved by a single state or by a small group of them. Only through multilateralism as a central approach for cooperation will we be able to address them and overcome these challenges. With multilateralism at the core, please allow me to share four points. First of all, democracy is a fundamental right of every human being and it is a right that Democracy, the rule of law and the respect for human rights are pillars for the effective functioning of the multilateral system. Democracy is the political system that embraces everyone. In it, every voice finds its echo and every person finds their place. It is the natural expression of the rule of law. Venezuela cannot be considered to be a democracy. A democracy does not expel 8 million of its citizens, nor does it cause an unprecedented migration crisis whose repercussions are being felt across the entire Western Hemisphere. Neither does it persecute or intimidate, nor does it imprison or torture people for political reasons. A democracy does not deny opposition representatives access to vote counting, nor does it declare itself without any proof or evidence the winner of the elections. Costa Rica, just like the vast majority of countries in the region, condemns the manipulation of the results and will continue to demand an impartial, transparent and independent verification. This is a verification that the Venezuelan regime has refused to carry out. There is no doubt that Nicolás Maduro did not win the elections, just as there is no doubt that he intends to cling on to power at all costs. Let us not allow repression and dictatorship in Venezuela to become the norm once again. This is not the only violation of democratic principles in my region. Thousands of people cross our northern border on a daily basis, fleeing the repression of a dictatorship that has lasted nearly three decades in Nicaragua. This is a dictatorship that has deprived them of their freedom, of their human rights, of their dreams and even of their citizenship, making them stateless. Since Costa Rica is the first country in Latin America to grant nationality to stateless persons, We urge the international community to ramp up efforts to eradicate this condition of vulnerability. We also cannot continue to be indifferent to the situation in Haiti. The humanitarian crisis in this country has been met with minimal and immorally low responses from the international community. The $674 million required for the humanitarian needs and response plan represents only 0.03% of global military spending, which in 2023 reached $2.44 trillion. That’s according to the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute. Allow me just to repeat that. 0.03% of global military spending. A tiny drop of hope in an ocean of militarization. Mr. President, violence and crime have grown at an alarming rate in the world, and in Latin America and the Caribbean we are no exception. Criminal networks have consolidated into a complex phenomenon that knows no national borders. These organizations engage in illicit activities such as drug trafficking, the trafficking of people, smuggling of weapons and ammunition, and have found fertile ground for growth in the region, whether due to corruption, lack of opportunities for youth, or limited police capacity to counter them. The interconnection of these networks not only affects the security and well-being of local communities, but it also has global repercussions as their operations tend to extend across transit countries and inter-industrial networks. International Markets. Faced with this reality, it is essential for the international community to adopt a coordinated and multilateral approach, promoting cooperation, information sharing and strong legal measures to combat them. Only through joint effort will the structure of these organisations be able to be dismantled and ultimately for peace and security to be reinstated in the region. And this brings me on to my second thought, my second point. At the heart of multilateralism lies peace and there is no peace without justice. However, its heartbeat weakens with the escalation of conflicts in Gaza, in Lebanon, Ukraine, the Red Sea, Sudan, the Sahel, Yemen, Myanmar and in Syria. These crises expose the fragility of our collective security system and demand that all parties to the conflict assume their obligations under international law, in particular international humanitarian law. Norms and principles must be respected without exception, in particular the protection of civilians and the principles of proportionality, limitation, distinction and humanity. For each and every one of these conflicts, Costa Rica reiterates its appeal to all of those involved for an immediate and unconditional ceasefire to guarantee safe, uninterrupted and unrestricted access to humanitarian assistance and to free hostages and detainees, to withdraw troops from affected areas and for a de-escalation of tensions. It’s also urgent to comply in good faith with all decisions from international courts and from the Security Council, because without justice there will be no lasting peace. While expressing our deep concern over the weakening of international humanitarian disarmament instruments, Costa Rica We urge states to reverse this trend and to renew their efforts to ensure that civilians do not become victim to the use of weapons with indiscriminate effects. We also urge to avoid the use of explosive weapons in densely populated areas or their surroundings and invite all states to participate in the upcoming international conference on the humanitarian consequences of the use of explosive weapons in populated areas. This is going to take place next July, next year in San Jose. However, we must go further. Costa Rica calls for a consensus on governance frameworks for artificial intelligence in both military and civilian spheres. These frameworks must regulate autonomous systems with transformative capabilities that operate without human intervention. The global digital compact that we’ve just adopted puts the multilateral system in motion to deal with artificial intelligence and is key for research and development, not just for its applications. Thirdly, Costa Rica believes that the international financial architecture is at imminent risk of becoming obsolete in addressing current and future challenges. Therefore, we make the most vigorous call for an international financial system that is transparent, inclusive and sustainable. We require a financial architecture that meets the needs, does not perpetuate global equalities and addresses the pressing needs for access to finance. This financing must be sufficient and concessional with effective debt relief mechanisms for developing countries. Costa Rica recognises the efforts of some international financial institutions to align their processes with transformation commitments. And we urge the states that make up the boards of the major international financial institutions to We advocate for urgent capitalization of multilateral development banks, and we call for an increase in the use of new and innovative financing mechanisms, such as green and blue bonds, as well as the debt-for-ecosystem services swaps. Middle-income countries and economies in transition, like Costa Rica, need the international financial system to provide finance tools for development, and these tools must be up to our specific needs and flexible and tailored to our fiscal and structural circumstances. We hope that the Fourth International Conference on Financing for Development will bring about concrete agreements and will show the political will necessary. Fourthly, and in order to ensure the well-being of future generations, multilateralism must also be blue. Costa Rica has developed strong blue diplomacy that recognizes the crucial role the ocean plays in the health of the planet. In order to have a habitable planet, we need a healthy ocean. It produces 50% of the oxygen that we breathe and is the largest source of protein in the world. It’s the largest carbon sink and regulator of the climate, and 3 billion people worldwide depend on its biodiversity for their livelihoods. Therefore, it is urgent that the new High Seas Treaty, the BBNJ, comes into force and that we deliver an ambitious treaty on plastics and that we ensure that no mining on the seabed begins until there are guarantees that it will not have damaging effects on the marine environment. For the health of the planet and to respond to the multiple challenges that the ocean faces, I invite you all to participate in the Third United Nations Oceans Conference, which will take place in June 2025 in Nice, hosted by Costa Rica and France jointly. Mr. President, the multilateral system is being tested. Thank you very much.

President: I now give the floor to Her Excellency Annalena Baerbock, Federal Minister for Foreign Affairs of Germany.

Annalena Baerbock – Germany: Excellencies, Ladies and Gentlemen, We live in a world of quick headlines and even quicker slogans. Take back control. My country first. Us against them. Slogans that paint the world in black and white. Slogans that want to make us believe things are very simple. That there is only one side that matters. Us against them. I come from a country where this logic, us against them, was taken to the worst extremes that humankind has ever seen. A murderous world war that killed millions. And the worst imaginable crime against humanity. The Shoah, the genocide of 6 million Jews. Dehumanized. Murdered. Just for being Jews. Murdered because of a Nazi ideology that would only accept the humanity of those they defined as Germans. After World War II, this institution here in New York was founded on the understanding that us against them leads to disasters. That the world needs a counter-model, our UN Charter. A counter-model to a world in which we only accept the humanity of ourselves, but not of others. A counter-model that instead grants every country in the world the right to determine its own destiny. That casts a positive vision of our shared future. A vision of an international order that is based on rules. On the equality of every state and every human being. Of cooperation instead of divisive nationalism. Of a humanity that is indivisible. And these are not simple slogans. These are the principles we try to live up every day. Yet, living up to them is anything but simple. It demands hard work. Maybe more than ever before. It needs empathy and solidarity. It demands the will to put ourselves in the shoes of the other. It demands, especially in times of crises, the strength to recognize the other’s pain, even if our own pain seems unbearable, and to find common ground despite all the things that divide us. It also means that we have to face the dilemma that the values of the Charter can at times appear to contradict each other, such as the inherent right to self-defense and the responsibility to protect civilians when the civilians are misused as human shields. Resolving this is harder than simply exclaiming either-or, us against them. Especially in our days of social media, where simple TikTok truths seem to blur out all complexity and nuance, sometimes even facts. As we see regarding the war in the Middle East, in its ruthless attack of October 7th last year, Hamas maimed and killed some 1,200 men, women, and children. To this day, the terrorists are holding more than 100 people – men, women, children – hostage, including German citizens, including children. At the same time, in Gaza, hungry, traumatized children are wandering the ruins of what used to be their homes, desperately searching for their parents under the rubble. Seeing all this with burning hearts, I guess it might be human that sometimes we are all tempted to fall emotionally for simple slogans, to only see one side when our hearts are burning. In addition, each of us is looking at this conflict from our own perspective and history. We need to respect that. But we must not stop there. Instead, we need to ask ourselves, what if this was me? If these were my children? In competition of pain, there can be no winners. This is how one of the hostage families put it. Unity is universal. If in the darkest hour of her life, the mother of a murdered hostage finds the strength to see both sides, then we As leaders of the countries around the world, who have the privilege to speak in this hall, should be capable of doing the same. Not to fall for quick slogans, but to rally around humanity in order to overcome this vicious circle of hate. Universal humanity means the rights of Israelis and Palestinians do not cancel each other out. And this is why my country stands by its commitment to the security of the State of Israel. And why at the same time, we are working every day to end the hell for the children of Gaza. Because lasting security for Israelis will only be possible if there is lasting security for Palestinians. And the opposite is also true. Lasting security for Palestinians will only be possible if there is lasting security for Israelis. This is why we are not resting until the hostages are home. This is why we are working so hard for a ceasefire. The Biden plan, which was endorsed by the Security Council. Why at the same time, together with our partners, we are working hard to get more humanitarian aid into Gaza. This is why I’ve been in the region 11 times since October. Germany alone has provided more than €360 million for humanitarian aid for Gaza, for the Palestinian families in Gaza since last October. And this is also why yesterday, we came together with a group of countries to call for an immediately 21-day ceasefire. along the blue line. Because a broader regional escalation would not bring anyone long-lasting security. And, as frankly speaking sometimes frustrating the lack of progress is, and hurting, we are not giving up on seeking a political vision for Israelis and Palestinians to be able to live peacefully side by side in two states. For me, resignation is simply not an option. Because that would mean that the playbook of terrorism and extremism carries the day. We need to recognize each other’s pain, each other’s interests, and yes, also listen openly to each other’s complaints if we want to move forward. And if we do so, we might sometimes hear things we don’t want to hear. Our own shortcomings. Frankly, I remember how I called two and a half years ago so many colleagues here in the room and around the world to ask for your support in standing up against Russia’s imperial war in Ukraine. And how one of my colleagues said, but where were you when we needed you, when we were attacked by the Houthis? And others said you didn’t stand with us in our anti-colonial struggle. And yes, that gave me a pause. Because they had a point. And I firmly believe critical self-reflection of what But we, or generations before us in our countries, have done wrong is actually to our benefit. Because the ability to learn from past mistakes makes societies stronger. And it is the only way to build a better future. That is why my country, Germany, has started to address our colonial past more thoroughly. The restitution of artifacts is a crucial element here. That is also why we are in the midst of an important reconciliation process with Namibia. Because we can’t undo mistakes of the past. But we can unite for a better future. And we can choose that, every day, by our own action. Facing our colonial history, to me, means doing the right thing, today. But it also means that we have to stand up to the imperialist atrocities we are witnessing in our days today. Russia does not have a better future in mind for Ukraine. Ukraine is an independent state that gave up its nuclear arsenal in the 1990s because it believed in the principles and guarantees of this Charter. And in its bodies, like the Security Council, three decades later, it is attacked by a P5 country. One of the countries that bears, as the Charter says, the primary responsibility for the maintenance of international peace and security. Russia’s war against Ukraine has destroying Ukrainian cities, schools and hospitals for almost 1,000 days now. And it’s ravaging the security order of my continent, Europe. Its ripple effects have been felt for so many here around the world. Many of you are feeling in your own countries the consequences, in food prices and other things. And that is why I understand that some of you are asking, like in the Security Council two days ago, wouldn’t the war be over if you Europeans just stopped providing Ukraine with weapons? There’s nothing wrong with asking that, because we all wish for peace. But the idea that if there were no defensive weapons there would be no fighting and no dying in Ukraine is as simple as it is wrong. We have seen that and we have seen what happened in June when Ukraine invited Russia to an international peace summit. Instead of stopping his attack and coming to the negotiation table, Putin sent his response by bombing a children’s hospital. As long as Putin is not willing to come to the negotiation table, stopping our support for self-defense would simply mean leaving Ukraine’s children’s hospitals defenseless. It would mean more war crimes, not less. Possibly in other countries too. Time and again within the last months, Putin’s Russia has been toying with the inviolability of the borders of the Baltic states and Poland. Two weeks ago, it fired a missile against a civilian grain ship in Romanian territorial waters. This is why today I am also asking your support. Your support in calling out on Putin to cease his attacks and to come to the negotiation table. Not only for our European security, but I think also in your own interest. If a permanent member of the Security Council is allowed to conquer and destroy its smaller neighbor, the very essence of this charter is under attack. If Russia stops attacking, the war is over. If Ukraine stops defending itself, Ukraine is over. End our charter. Sovereign equality, Article 2, Paragraph 1. Peaceful settlement of disputes, Article 2, Paragraph 3. The prohibition of the use of force, Article 2, Paragraph 4. And this is why we will continue to stand firmly with Ukraine. End our charter. To achieve a peace that is just and lasting, with security guarantees. A peace that secures Ukraine’s existence as a free and independent country. A peace that ensures Ukraine’s and Europe’s security. And by that, the security of all of us. Obviously, none of this is easy. For almost 1,000 days now, so many countries have been working for Ukrainian children to sleep in their beds again and not in air-raid shelters. For almost a year, so many of us have been working to help end the suffering in the Middle East. in countless talks in the region, countless meetings in our UN bodies. And yes, sometimes I too feel like giving in to despair. But throwing up our hands in resignation again is not an option, because then the logic of us against them takes over. And also, and this is important to me, we tend to forget one thing in these times of crisis. There is a lot we can and have already achieved as an international community, every day, if we stand together, if we take each other’s perspectives. To name only two striking latest examples, think about what we have achieved at the COP in Dubai only a year ago, when we saw what is possible when we overcome the us versus them, the industrial states against G77, the South versus the North. When we listened, instead, first and foremost, to those most affected by the climate crisis, to our SID partners, who have been telling us for decades that the climate crisis is threatening their very existence and is the biggest security threat in the whole world. When with more than 190 states, we finally agreed to signal the end of the fossil era at COP28. And we set up a loss and damage fund for the most vulnerable, because it’s just and fair. And we saw again what we can achieve just earlier this week, when we passed here the pact of the future, of our future. And many helped, and didn’t resign. Many helped along with us and partners, and from Namibia and so many others. But in the end, the vast majority of us found the strength to rally around what unites us. Rules, instead of brute nationalism. Cooperation, instead of division. A humanity that is universal. And it is in this spirit that Germany is running for a non-permanent seat on the Security Council for 27-28. We are running as defenders of the Charter, of our shared principles. And that means that we also need to take a critical look at the status quo of multilateral institutions. Because in many ways, our multilateral system still reflects a time when hardly any of us here in the room had been born. When the striking number of 142 states represented in this hall today were not sitting at the table. That needs to change. And that’s why we are working for a reform of the Security Council, so that it better reflects the world we actually live in. That it has a better representation of African countries. And yes, it is also totally unjust that at the two most important international financial institutions, there are only Europeans and Americans at the top. We need our institutions to be accepted by all of us. And for that, they need to represent all of us. And all of us, that is, not just men of the world. The one thing we definitely all have in common is this. Women make up at least 50% of every single country. And in 80 years of this organization, there has never been a female Secretary General. So if this organization calls for equality and justice in the world, it is long overdue for us to show it here in New York. So we probably all should already practice to say the words, Madam Secretary General, the floor is yours. Because the next Secretary General of the United Nations has to be a woman. Obviously, that alone will not immediately end all the remaining inequality for women in our own countries. In this General Assembly, we hail from all regions of the world. But none of us has reached full gender equality. And I think we can only achieve it together by learning from each other and by speaking up for women’s rights, not only in our own countries, but everywhere. Because women’s rights are human rights, and nothing northern, western, eastern, or southern. They are universal. And none of us wants to be paid less than her male colleague for the same job. None of us wants to be raped. None of us wants to be arrested for showing our hair. No woman. And I would guess. Because a life is a life. A Palestinian woman’s life is a life. An Israeli man’s life is a life. A Sudanese girl’s life is a life. A Ukrainian boy’s life is a life. Almost 80 years ago, the UN was founded for exactly that. On the realization that simple slogans, that us versus them, leads to the disaster. That humanity is indivisible. Thank you.

President: Thank Her Excellency Annalena Baerbock, Federal Minister for Foreign Affairs of Germany. I now give the floor to His Excellency Abdallah Bouhabib, Minister for Foreign Affairs and Emigrants of Lebanon.

Abdallah Bouhabib – Lebanon: Mr. President, I wish first and foremost to congratulate warmly you upon your election to the helm of the 79th session of the General Assembly of the United Nations. We wish you every success and we convey to you our full support for your agenda, unity and diversity for the advancement of peace, sustainable development, and human dignity for present and future generations. Mr. President, Lebanon is currently enduring a crisis which is threatening its very existence. The future of our people and our prosperity are imperiled. This is a situation that requires international intervention on an urgent basis before the situation spirals out of control with a domino effect, making this crisis impossible to contain, just as it will be impossible to extinguish the flames of this crisis, which will transform into a black hole that will engulf regional and international peace and security. The crisis in Lebanon threatens the entire Middle East with the worst if the situation remains as it currently is and if the world remains immobile. Mr. President, we welcome the declaration delivered yesterday by the United States and by France, as supported by a number of friendly states, offering the possibility of long-term calm, helping to ensure the restoration of stability along the border, as well as the return of displaced persons. Furthermore, we demand that all possible measures be adopted for this declaration to be implemented. What we are currently experiencing in Lebanon is a consequence of the absence of a lasting sustainable solution. It is not the cause of an absence of a sustainable solution. The cause is the occupation, and we wish to reiterate this explicitly. The cause is the occupation. To claim anything else would be a loss of time. So long as the occupation persists, there will be instability and there will be war. We have repeatedly, on numerous occasions through the United Nations, we have striven to resolve border disputes with Israel. Israel has continuously eluded the issue or disregarded the matter. This is a difficult situation which we are experiencing, and in light of this, we are increasingly committed to international law. We are seeking refuge in the decisions under international law. To that end, Lebanon has contributed to the drafting of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights through one of our children, Shalmalek. And despite the inability of the United Nations to protect us from the Israeli aggression up until now, we remain committed to the role of this organization as a frontline of defense in the face of occupation, violence, devastation, and oppression. Today, we desperately need the United Nations to play its role as a refuge for small countries who have been victimized by aggression. These countries include my homeland, Lebanon. Since this tragedy which we’ve experienced has broke out, since this bitter reality, we have observed that dialogue is an alternative to the language of weapons to resolve conflict. We have demonstrated ability to be a reliable partner in building consensus, as was the case in October 2022 when the maritime borders were delimited between Lebanon and Israel. This is the best proof of our commitment to negotiations for peaceful dispute resolution. Furthermore, we proposed during two Security Council meetings, the most recent one was held on the 17th of June last, and the topic of trust was the situation in the Middle East. We proposed an integrated framework to achieve a lasting pacification in the border south of Lebanon, and we wish to reiterate today our call for a ceasefire on all fronts for this. to be an opportunity and a prerequisite towards the full-fledged implementation of Resolution 1701 of the United Nations Security Council, which has been effective in establishing a relative degree of stability in the south of Lebanon since the end of the July 2006 war up until 7 October 2023. We, moreover, are counting on the support of the international community and specifically on the support of friendly countries in reinforcing the deployment of the Lebanese army in the south of the Litani River and delivering the necessary equipment to ensure that troop levels can be increased in the wake of the launch by the state of a conscription campaign as part of a clear commitment to the implementation of Resolution 1701. In this regard, there will be no weapons without the consent of the Lebanese Government and there will be no other authority than that of the Lebanese Government as is stipulated in the above-mentioned resolution. Our demand to secure support is not merely a reflection of our commitment to honoring our commitments under Resolution 1701. This is also our confirmation of the importance – reaffirmation of the importance of cooperation and support from the international community to surmount security-related challenges in order to bolster peace and security in the region. We are all cognizant of the economic crisis that has been plaguing our country, and despite this, our government has taken a decision to – for 100,000 additional soldiers to be deployed to the south of the country. And this – this is not a mere detail. This is a clear political message to the international community reflecting the fact that Lebanon fully intends to implement Resolution 1701 to which we are wedded. Even at the worst times, including the present, we are not standing idly by. We are mobilizing our efforts at the highest level to protect our people, our national institutions, as well as our sovereignty. Mr. President, among the most significant provisions of Resolution 1701, emphasizing the internationally recognized borders of Lebanon delimited between Lebanon and Palestine in 1923, the reaffirmed in the Lebanese-Israeli truce agreement signed on the Island of Rhodes in 1949 under the supervision of the United Nations. This will be achieved with the agreement on 13 points that are a source of discord. And pursuant to this, Israel will withdraw from all Lebanese regions that it has occupied and continues to occupy in the direction of the internationally recognized border. We wish to reiterate our commitment to the role of UNIFIL, the peacekeeping force which is active in the south of Lebanon. And since its inception, it has significantly contributed to stability and peace in the region. Up until 8 October 2023, there had been no grave incident threatening regional peace and security that had been recorded. We wish to take this opportunity to thank UNIFIL for the tremendous sacrifice it has made in light of the tremendous challenges it has been facing in particular over the past recent months, as well as specifically in recent days. Mr. President, Israel, instead of focusing on incessant wars, Israel is continuously I would like to begin by saying that we are in a time of radicalizing. One of the gravest challenges Lebanon currently faces is this increase in aggression. The war has expanded and spilled over into Lebanese regions. We are increasingly concerned due to the systematic destruction of Lebanese border villages, the setting of fire to agricultural lands with white phosphorus, thereby rendering these lands unusable for many years. We in recent days have borne witness to a detestable, repugnant example of the transformation of telecommunications devices. Civilian devices were transformed into ticking time bombs that were deliberately and simultaneously blown up, thereby claiming the lives of dozens, including children, including women, resulting in thousands of people being wounded, hundreds of whom are in critical condition, in addition to hundreds of who were disfigured, maimed, who lost limbs, who lost their vision. From this rostrum, we reiterate our warning against this aggression, which is continuously intensifying, this attempt to play with fire, to plunge the entire Middle East into a conflagration. We reiterate our rejection of war, our legitimate right to defend ourselves pursuant to the Charter of the United Nations and international law. This goes hand in hand with our tireless efforts through our contacts and meetings to avoid falling into the trap of the Israeli occupying power, which is attempting to extend and prolong the war. Mr. President, the return of Israeli displaced persons to their cities and their settlements will only cannot be achieved through war cannot be achieved through bombardment, fighting, hostilities or the displacement of Lebanese people. The shortest path for their return is a comprehensive immediate ceasefire. As stipulated in the U.S. declaration, which was from yesterday supported by friendly states, a full implementation of Resolution 1701 as part of a comprehensive framework accompanied by clear international guaranteed transparent and an end, a definitive end to land, sea and air incursions and breaches of Lebanese sovereignty and our borders, our internationally recognized borders. This is necessary. These violations have exceeded – there have been more than 35,000 such violations since 2006. Mr. President, has Israel not had enough of the endless war since 1948? When will it be time for Israel to give a real opportunity for peace? Will Israel not embrace the path of peace? When will this happen instead of using the language of fire and steel? Lebanon and Arab countries have clearly, without any ambiguity, categorically embraced peace through the Arab Peace Initiative, which was the fruit of the Beirut Arab Summit in 2002, with the adoption by Arab states of the two-state solution through the demand of Arab states for the implementation of the United Nations resolutions, which unfortunately have remained dead letter. It is now incumbent upon Israel – Israel, both the government and the people, Israel as a whole, if they really want peace, to embrace peace, to choose peace, to want peace instead of war, and to go beyond their obsessions and security-related anxiety, breaking the cycle of violence. in the region, ending escalation, stopping escalation and the risk of complete conflagration in the Middle East also requires collective efforts as part of a clear, defined timeline, together with clear guarantees and recognition of legitimate rights, including the right to self-determination pursuant to international law. There can be no peace without the two-state solution, regardless of how much time this takes. Mr. President, by way of conclusion, we reiterate our call for a lasting solution, for the full, balanced implementation of Resolution 1701. The recognition of our land borders, recognized at the international level, to ensure that Lebanon and the region can avoid further warfare and destruction. We are at a very difficult time, marred by a tragic escalation of violence in Lebanon from the heart of the conflict. The Resolution 1701 of the Security Council is the primary line of defense for Lebanon. This resolution is not merely a document, not merely a framework for international action. No, this is a commitment on the part of the international community to safeguard regional peace and security. We cannot deviate from this process, and so far this is the legal diplomatic bedrock guaranteeing the protection of Lebanese and regional security. Respecting this resolution is absolutely necessary, not just for Lebanon, but for Israel, too, and for the region as a whole. This is the best tool at the disposal of the international community to break this cycle of violence, to ensure that diplomacy prevails despite the difficulties and despite the fact that the path ahead is difficult. The cost of a diplomatic failure will be very high. and the United Nations. We must bear in mind that with each new wave of violence, there is unimaginable suffering endured particularly by civilians. Any civilian killed is a tragedy that is unacceptable and there is no justification for this when civilian areas are targeted systematically, as is currently the case in Lebanon. We are talking here about acts that are tantamount to war crimes. There can be no justification for the mass murder of civilians. However, as we talk about death and destruction, devastation, we also need to endeavor to find solutions. Time is of the essence. There is a need to embrace a political process to end this crisis which is escalating. There is a need to move forward to reach a political solution. We together need to give thought to a political solution to this crisis instead of bogging ourselves increasingly down in the militarization of this conflict, the escalation of the conflict and the expansion of the conflict. Diplomacy is not always easy, but diplomacy is the only way to save innocent lives and homelands. Lebanon, for our part, we are determined to tread upon this path. Lebanon views the U.S.-French initiative, which is a French-U.S. initiative which is supported by other friendly countries, as an opportunity to generate momentum, to take steps towards ending this crisis. Diplomacy needs to succeed. There is no other choice. Thank you.

President: I thank the Minister of Foreign Affairs and immigrants of Lebanon, and I now give the floor to His Excellency Mr. Elmer Schialer Salcedo, Minister for Foreign Affairs of Peru. Thank you.

Elmer Schialer Salcedo – Peru: Mr. President of the United Nations General Assembly, distinguished delegates of the nations of the world, it is my privilege to take the floor here at the General Assembly, bringing you the particular and respectful regards of the Constitutional President of the Republic, Dr. Dina Boluarte Segarra, who would have liked to be here with you and speak to this august General Assembly. It is an honour for me to speak on behalf of my compatriots, to bring you their voice, the Peruvian people, who through their daily endeavours aspire to a decent life and aspire to leave a promising future to their children. Peru, just like the rest of the world, has made tireless efforts to mitigate the harmful effects of political instability and those of the economic crisis caused by the COVID-19 pandemic. These things have claimed a high cost on Peruvian society, in particular in the most vulnerable sectors. Therefore, the Government of President Boluarte is working tirelessly in order to recover our pace of economic growth and seeking to boost projects that have been stuck in their tracks and attracting foreign investments to develop large infrastructure projects with the ability to bring about decent and quality jobs. That way, we can contribute directly to our national development. Today, we can say that we are seeing the first results of these efforts and that Peru has got back on track to growth and stability. We still nevertheless have a lot of ground to cover. Peru and all the countries of the world face a raft of shared challenges that we can only overcome through international cooperation and by harmonising our efforts. Therefore, Peru reiterates its commitment to multilateralism because it is the best tool that we have available. The first of these conditions, without a shadow of a doubt, is peace. The countries that created this organisation at the end of the Second World War did it in order to, and now I quote, save succeeding generations from the scourge of war. The current reality is a testament to the fact that we are failing when it comes to this fundamental aspiration. Peru condemns all uses of force in international relations. Aggression and the grabbing of land by force is a violation of the UN Charter and of international law, and it also undermines the legitimacy and effectiveness of our collective security system. The paralysation of the Security Council when it comes to some conflicts and the applying of bias and double standards to other conflicts recalls the need to reform this body and to revise the prerogatives of its permanent members, mainly the right of veto. This is something that sometimes is used for political motivations rather than to address humanitarian matters. President, from this General Assembly, Peru will continue to engage in concrete actions for peace. We will continue to support disarmament initiatives and regimes, arms control and nuclear non-proliferation. We will continue to support the total elimination of nuclear weapons, and at the same time, we reject tests and also the use or any threat to use nuclear weapons. Nuclear disarmament, we hope, will be internationally verifiable, and we launch an appeal to the countries that mainly have nuclear weapons to renew their bilateral commitments to reduce their respective arsenals, such as, for example, under the New START Treaty. On the ground, Peru will continue to contribute to UN peacekeeping operations, as we have done since 1958, contributing more than 10,000 personnel. Currently, more than 250 members of our armed forces and our national police are deployed in United Nations uniform. They all play their role with a sense of professionalism, value, and dedication. Furthermore, we have made available a rapid response force that is made up of 200 personnel, and that force is able to be deployed immediately whenever the UN requires it. Peru recognizes the important role that women play in the peace and security agenda. Therefore, it is our pleasure to announce that we have largely exceeded the goals established in the National Gender Parity Strategy for uniformed personnel of the United Nations in 2018 to 2028, and that we will continue to increase the percentage of Peruvian women deployed in peacekeeping operations. Mr. President, the second condition required for development is a clean and healthy environment. Climate change, the loss of biodiversity and pollution are interconnected threats that compromise the survival of present and future generations. The high vulnerability of Peru to the adverse effects of climate change has led this to become a priority issue in our foreign policy. And that’s also why, alongside other countries, we have called upon the International Court of Justice to rule on the international obligations of states when it comes to climate change. Last year, my country was affected by Cyclone Yaku and by the El Niño phenomenon. These things claimed losses of human lives and huge amounts of material damage. On that, I wish to express my gratitude to the UN system for supporting the actions of my government to provide assistance to the affected population. Aware of the increase in the frequency and the impacts of these phenomena due to the climate crisis, my government, the government of President Boluarte, has pushed forward the adoption of a preventive approach when it comes to managing the risk of disasters in line with the early warning for all initiative of the Secretary General. and others. I am aware of the need to develop a low-carbon economy and to promote a change in our energy mix that prioritises clean and renewable energy. The Government of Peru has been updating our national strategy for climate change in order to achieve carbon neutrality by 2050. However, these domestic efforts are not enough. It is essential to increase international cooperation, always adhering to the principle of shared but differentiated responsibilities when it comes to climate action. Developed countries must adopt more ambitious goals to reduce their emissions and to honour their commitments when it comes to climate finance, which includes mobilising as a minimum $100 billion per year for developing countries and to implement the Loss and Damage Fund that was agreed on at COP27 of the UNFCCC. Furthermore, it is urgent to ensure that the Green Fund for the Climate is funded. This is something that has allowed us to make progress in our adaptation and mitigation work. President, our main challenge is to ensure development for our peoples, and with the 2030 Agenda and the SDGs, we can use these to guide our work. Unfortunately, the most recent report of the Secretary-General on progress in achieving the SDGs shows that we are not on the right track. Peru is committed to the 2030 Agenda, and that is why we have increased by more than 10% the resources allocated to compliance with the SDGs. On that, I wish to underscore the actions that we have been engaging in in three priority areas for Peru, which are health, education and social protection. On health, to start with, in the face of the largest dengue epidemic that Latin America has faced, Peru adopted swift actions that enabled us to reduce its lethality by half compared to the previous epidemic, and currently we are updating our prevention and control strategies for dengue in line with guidance from the World Health Organization. Next, education. In the quest to provide quality education, we have focused on teacher training, and we are strengthening technical training in secondary and higher education. The goal of that is to ensure that our young people are able to access the labour market. Furthermore, we have set forth an ambitious investment programme to close education infrastructure gaps. Moving on now to social protection. The third priority area is social protection for development. Given the need to bolster our food security and to reduce the effects of the calorie deficit, we have increased the budget of the food We also have a raft of social programmes to fight against poverty, and we are also working with local governments and the private sector, as well as civil society, to support the most vulnerable through soup kitchens, canteens and shelters, by coordinating with local governments and the private sector, as well as civil society. When it comes to productive supply, we have a raft of social programmes to fight against poverty and social exclusion. We have different public policies to empower women and girls, and the goal of this is to protect them from sexist violence, including through economic empowerment programmes. Social protection, being implemented in Peru, intends to fight against discrimination and racism and also to guarantee the collective rights of indigenous peoples and Afro-Peruvian people, providing services with an intercultural approach, given the fact that we are a multicultural, pluriethnic and multilingual country. However, as I have already stated, domestic efforts are not enough alone. It is necessary for developed countries to keep their promises to provide assistance and finance in order to reduce the budget gap to deal with the many different needs. We must move forward and urgently reform the international financial architecture to ensure that we have a system that is more inclusive and equitable. To do this, it is necessary to revise the way we measure progress, leaving aside GDP as the only way of measuring things. As we know, it does not measure inequality, well-being or the environmental sustainability of countries. Therefore, we welcome the inclusion of new measures to develop new multidimensional indicators of progress to channel more efficiently and more inclusively international cooperation, to ensure that flows to middle-income countries such as Peru, which are countries where we still see a persistence of pockets of poverty and exclusion. President, the fight against poverty in all of its forms and dimensions, including extreme poverty, remains the largest global challenge that we face and must be the absolute priority of all countries. In my country, as I said, we have been involved in different programs. These include Juntos, Pension 65 and the With You program. The goal is to reduce monetary poverty and extreme poverty caused by the COVID-19 pandemic and also to provide basic services to achieve social inclusion for the most disadvantaged populations. I wish to announce that Peru will present to the General Assembly, like we do every two years, a draft resolution entitled Human Rights and Extreme Poverty. In this resolution we encourage Member States to adopt social protection policies that are more ambitious, to consider that extreme poverty and exclusion undermine human dignity. Precedent, we also face new challenges that stem from the rise in new technology, whose technologies and benefits are also coupled by a lot of dangers, as well as by unprecedented ethical and moral challenges. Social networks are things that have allowed us to be more connected to each other, but they have also been used to spread misinformation and hate speech, or to engage in violence or bullying, especially against women. Tech companies store the personal information of millions of people, and that leads us to debate the rights of privity and risks of mass surveillance by governments. Artificial intelligence is portrayed as something positive for our daily lives, but it has also facilitated the spread of dis- and misinformation campaigns that seek to manipulate public opinion, in particular during election campaigns, destabilizing thus our democracies. We have a collective responsibility to ensure that new technologies are developed and used while fully respecting the dignity, freedom and rights of all people. It is therefore necessary to define principles and regulatory frameworks in a clear way for digital governance. In this regard, we welcome the Global Digital Compact that was adopted at the Summit of the Future. Mr. President, Peru’s commitment to human rights and democracy is unshakable. These are the fundamental values that support Peruvian society and that guide our foreign policy. Peru has a long tradition of respect and promotion of human rights, and this can be seen in our participation in numerous international treaties and instruments on this. It has also been shown through our close collaboration with the United Nations and other international organizations that have come and visited our country. We have always welcomed this. Peru’s strong democratic conviction and the conviction of the Peruvian people to this is something that firmly guides our foreign policy for representative democracy on the American continent and against any attempt to undermine the will of the people. Lack of freedom and democratic opportunities and political participation, in addition to repression and lack of opportunities, leads to massive migratory flows and flows of refugees and tensions and pressure, social pressure in the host countries, mainly if they don’t have the economic ability to absorb these people. Therefore, we renew our commitment to the process. to adopt a global binding instrument that facilitates safe, orderly and regular migration with a focus on human rights, a people-centred approach that provides predictability and protects migrants from transnational crime organisations that engage in the trafficking of people and smuggling of people. The pillars of Peru’s foreign policy that I just described underscore the grave concern that we have regarding the situation in Venezuela since the elections that took place on 28 July. The officially proclaimed results have not complied with the legal obligation of Venezuela to show transparency and impartiality when it comes to these elections, and they therefore do not legitimately reflect the popular will of the Venezuelan citizens. This does not prevent Peru from recognising official results. Throughout our history, Peru has maintained a foreign policy that is firmly committed to multilateralism, the defence of international law and the peaceful resolution of disputes, which are the foundational principles of the Charter of this organisation. This diplomatic transition explains our historic commitment to the United Nations, and we recall the contributions made by significant individuals like Víctor Andrés Beluande, who headed up this Assembly, José Luis Bustamante and Ribeiro, President of the International Court of Justice between 1967 and 1970, and of course Javier Pérez Cuellar, the fifth Secretary-General of this organisation who was an inspiration for members of our foreign policy corps. At this time marked by this time that is critical for multilateralism, this legacy compels us to be active in the promotion of multilateralism to enable us to improve our response to the huge challenges that we face, and that require collective action in areas such as guaranteeing peace and international security, protecting the environment and mitigating climate change, and ensuring the means required to achieve sustainable development. and also to provide regulation for new technologies. Mr. President, you can certainly count on the decisive support of Peru to achieve the consensus required so that we can progress with this global endeavor. Thank you very much.

President: I thank the Minister of Foreign Affairs of Peru. We have heard the last speaker on the list of speakers of this evening’s general debate. The general debate will continue tomorrow from 9 a.m. in this hall. The meeting is adjourned. Thank you.

Agreement Points

Need for UN Security Council reform

Speakers

Kyriakos Mitsotakis – Greece

Charles Michel – European Union

Keir Starmer – United Kingdom

Arguments

Support for expanding permanent and non-permanent Security Council seats

Need to reform UN Security Council to be more representative

Need to strengthen and reform multilateral institutions

Summary

Multiple speakers agreed on the need to reform the UN Security Council to make it more representative and effective in addressing global challenges.

Addressing climate change and supporting developing countries

Speakers

Elmer Schialer Salcedo – Peru

Wesley Simina – Micronesia

Mbae Mohamed – Comoros

Arnoldo Ricardo Andr̩ Tinoco РCosta Rica

Arguments

Support for loss and damage fund for climate impacts

Commitment to net zero emissions targets

Call for climate finance from developed countries

Need for sustainable financing and debt relief

Summary

Several speakers emphasized the importance of addressing climate change, particularly through financial support for developing countries and commitment to emissions reduction targets.

Similar Viewpoints

Both speakers expressed concern about the situation in Gaza and called for immediate action to address the humanitarian crisis and hostage situation.

Speakers

Kyriakos Mitsotakis – Greece

Annalena Baerbock – Germany

Arguments

Need for ceasefire and humanitarian aid in Gaza

Call for immediate release of hostages held by Hamas

Both speakers strongly condemned Russia’s aggression against Ukraine and expressed support for Ukraine’s sovereignty and territorial integrity.

Speakers

Dick Schoof – Netherlands

Maria Malmer Stenergard – Sweden

Arguments

Condemnation of Russia’s invasion of Ukraine

Support for Ukraine’s sovereignty and territorial integrity

Unexpected Consensus

Gender equality in UN leadership

Speakers

Annalena Baerbock – Germany

Dominique Hasler – Liechtenstein

Arguments

Call for female UN Secretary General

Commitment to women’s rights and gender equality

Explanation

While gender equality is often discussed, the specific call for a female UN Secretary General and emphasis on women in UN leadership roles from multiple speakers represents an unexpected area of consensus.

Overall Assessment

Summary

The main areas of agreement among speakers included the need for UN Security Council reform, addressing climate change and supporting developing countries, resolving conflicts in Ukraine and the Middle East, and promoting gender equality in international leadership.

Consensus level

There was a moderate level of consensus on key global issues, particularly regarding institutional reform and climate action. This suggests potential for collaborative efforts in these areas, but also highlights the need for continued dialogue and negotiation to address remaining differences and implement concrete actions.

Disagreement Points

Approach to the Israel-Palestine conflict

Speakers

Kyriakos Mitsotakis – Greece

Abdallah Bouhabib – Lebanon

Arguments

Need for ceasefire and humanitarian aid in Gaza

Need for diplomatic solution to Israel-Lebanon border tensions

Summary

While both speakers call for de-escalation, Mitsotakis focuses on immediate humanitarian aid and a ceasefire in Gaza, while Bouhabib emphasizes the need for a diplomatic solution to border tensions between Israel and Lebanon, highlighting different priorities in addressing the broader conflict.

Overall Assessment

Summary

The main areas of disagreement revolve around specific approaches to regional conflicts, particularly in the Middle East, and the details of UN reform. However, there is broad agreement on the need for multilateral cooperation and institutional improvements.

Disagreement level

The level of disagreement among the speakers is relatively low. Most speakers share similar overarching goals but differ in their emphasis or specific proposals. This suggests a general alignment on major issues, which could facilitate cooperation on global challenges, but may require negotiation on the details of implementation.

Partial Agreements

All speakers agree on the need for UN Security Council reform, but they differ in their specific proposals. Mitsotakis supports expanding both permanent and non-permanent seats, Michel emphasizes transparency and accountability, while Starmer focuses on broader institutional reforms beyond just the Security Council.

Speakers

Kyriakos Mitsotakis – Greece

Charles Michel – European Union

Keir Starmer – United Kingdom

Arguments

Support for expanding permanent and non-permanent Security Council seats

Need to reform UN Security Council to be more representative

Need to strengthen and reform multilateral institutions

Similar Viewpoints

Both speakers expressed concern about the situation in Gaza and called for immediate action to address the humanitarian crisis and hostage situation.

Speakers

Kyriakos Mitsotakis – Greece

Annalena Baerbock – Germany

Arguments

Need for ceasefire and humanitarian aid in Gaza

Call for immediate release of hostages held by Hamas

Both speakers strongly condemned Russia’s aggression against Ukraine and expressed support for Ukraine’s sovereignty and territorial integrity.

Speakers

Dick Schoof – Netherlands

Maria Malmer Stenergard – Sweden

Arguments

Condemnation of Russia’s invasion of Ukraine

Support for Ukraine’s sovereignty and territorial integrity

Key Takeaways

There is widespread concern about ongoing conflicts, particularly in Gaza, Ukraine, and other regions, with calls for ceasefires and diplomatic solutions.

Many countries emphasized the need for UN reform, especially of the Security Council, to make it more representative and effective.

Climate change and sustainable development remain top priorities, with calls for increased climate finance and support for developing countries.

Human rights, democracy, and addressing inequality were highlighted as important global issues.

There is growing recognition of the need to reform the international financial architecture to better support developing countries.

Resolutions and Action Items

Support implementation of UN Security Council Resolution 2735 on ceasefire in Gaza

Work towards reform of the UN Security Council to include more permanent and non-permanent members

Implement the Loss and Damage Fund agreed at COP27

Mobilize $100 billion per year in climate finance for developing countries

Adopt the Global Digital Compact to address challenges related to new technologies

Unresolved Issues

Specific mechanisms for achieving lasting peace between Israel and Palestine

Details of UN Security Council reform, including which countries should get permanent seats

How to effectively address the root causes of global migration flows

Concrete steps to reform the international financial architecture

Balancing development needs with environmental protection and climate action

Suggested Compromises

Two-state solution for Israel and Palestine, with security guarantees for both sides

Expanding Security Council membership while maintaining efficiency

Balancing climate action responsibilities between developed and developing nations

Reforming financial institutions to be more inclusive while maintaining economic stability

Embracing new technologies while establishing regulatory frameworks to protect rights and democracy

We are witnessing precedents in which all international charters and norms are being violated. The international institutions that are supposed to contribute to managing and organizing international relations in a way that enhances peace and stability and advances human relations away from violence and brutal treatment are being neutralized.

Speaker

Mohammed Shia’ Al Sudani – Iraq

Reason

This comment insightfully captures the erosion of international norms and institutions, highlighting a key challenge facing the global community.

Impact

It set a somber tone for the discussion and prompted other speakers to address the weakening of the international order in their remarks.

The Security Council isn’t representative nor legitimate. It’s ineffective. The Security Council is increasingly stillborn, like a zombie.

Speaker

Charles Michel – European Union

Reason

This vivid metaphor powerfully conveys the dysfunction of a key UN body and the need for reform.

Impact

It sparked further discussion of UN Security Council reform from multiple subsequent speakers.

We need to change the international financial system to deliver a fairer deal for developing countries. We will use our seat on the boards of the IMF and the World Bank to argue for a bolder approach to tackle unsustainable debt, which is compounding poverty and inequality, depriving the sick of healthcare and children of education.

Speaker

Keir Starmer – United Kingdom

Reason

This comment insightfully links international financial reform to concrete development outcomes, showing how abstract policy changes connect to real human impacts.

Impact

It broadened the discussion beyond security issues to include economic justice and development financing.

We are witnessing a brutal campaign of indiscriminate killing and the use of technology to carry out bombings remotely without regard for unarmed civilians. In a dangerous precedent that indicates the extent of the involvement of the occupation’s government and its indulgence in committing crimes against humanity.

Speaker

Mohammed Shia’ Al Sudani – Iraq

Reason

This comment vividly describes the human toll of modern warfare and raises important ethical questions about remote warfare technologies.

Impact

It injected a sense of moral urgency into the discussion and prompted other speakers to address civilian protection in conflict.

In competition of pain, there can be no winners. This is how one of the hostage families put it. Unity is universal. If in the darkest hour of her life, the mother of a murdered hostage finds the strength to see both sides, then we as leaders of the countries around the world, who have the privilege to speak in this hall, should be capable of doing the same.

Speaker

Annalena Baerbock – Germany

Reason

This poignant anecdote cuts through political rhetoric to highlight our shared humanity and the need for empathy even in the most difficult circumstances.

Impact

It shifted the tone of the discussion towards finding common ground and seeing multiple perspectives in complex conflicts.

Overall Assessment

These key comments shaped the discussion by highlighting major challenges to the international order, from the erosion of norms to the dysfunction of key institutions. They broadened the conversation beyond immediate security crises to include issues of economic justice, civilian protection, and the ethical challenges posed by new technologies. The comments also injected a sense of moral urgency and human empathy into what could have been an abstract policy discussion. Overall, they pushed the dialogue towards grappling with systemic issues and the need for reform of global governance structures to meet contemporary challenges.

How can the Security Council be reformed to be more effective, transparent, and accountable?

Speaker

Kyriakos Mitsotakis – Greece

Explanation

The speaker emphasized the need for Security Council reform to better reflect current geopolitical realities and improve its functioning.

What steps can be taken to implement the Multi-Vulnerability Index (MVI) in a way that addresses the specific needs of Small Island Developing States?

Speaker

Wesley Simina – Micronesia

Explanation

The speaker highlighted the importance of the MVI and called for its implementation to address the unique challenges faced by SIDS.

How can the international community support efforts to recover looted assets and end legal obstacles that provide safe havens for corruption-related funds?

Speaker

Mohammed Shia’ Al Sudani – Iraq

Explanation

The speaker called for international support in recovering stolen assets and addressing legal barriers that protect corrupt funds.

What measures can be taken to ensure the effective governance and regulation of artificial intelligence at a global level?

Speaker

Kyriakos Mitsotakis – Greece

Explanation

The speaker suggested the need for a ‘COP for AI’ to address the governance and application of AI on a global scale.

How can the international financial architecture be reformed to better support developing countries and address unsustainable debt?

Speaker

Keir Starmer – United Kingdom

Explanation

The speaker called for reforms to make the international financial system more inclusive and equitable, particularly in addressing debt issues.

What steps can be taken to implement a global plan for transitioning away from fossil fuels in a fair, just, and equitable manner?

Speaker

Wesley Simina – Micronesia

Explanation

The speaker emphasized the need for a global plan to transition away from fossil fuels while ensuring fairness and equity.

How can the international community better address the humanitarian crisis in Gaza while ensuring Israel’s security?

Speaker

Multiple speakers

Explanation

Several speakers addressed the ongoing conflict in Gaza, calling for immediate humanitarian aid and a path towards lasting peace.

What measures can be taken to strengthen the role of the General Assembly in maintaining international peace and security when the Security Council is paralyzed?

Speaker

Dominique Hasler – Liechtenstein

Explanation

The speaker suggested exploring alternative avenues through the General Assembly when the Security Council is unable to act.

How can the international community support the implementation of Resolution 1701 and achieve lasting peace between Lebanon and Israel?

Speaker

Abdallah Bouhabib – Lebanon

Explanation

The speaker called for full implementation of Resolution 1701 as a framework for achieving peace and stability in the region.

What steps can be taken to reform global governance structures to better reflect current political and economic realities?

Speaker

Multiple speakers

Explanation

Several speakers called for reforms to various international institutions to make them more representative and effective.