Empowering Voices: Strengthening CSO and Youth Participation in AI Governance
The discussion focused on AI governance, with particular emphasis on making it more inclusive, democratic, and responsive to civil society and youth participation . The moderator framed the session around concrete tools and mechanisms for broader societal involvement in AI governance, while the panellists introduced projects spanning community documentation, evaluation infrastructure, and regulatory implementation .
Emaan Yasin Malik shared that concerns were sparked after a youth tech hackathon in Pakistan drew applications mostly from young Muslim men, with low female participation and none from Hindu, Christian, or Sikh communities. In addition, there were questions in relation to whether civil society had meaningfully been consulted on Pakistan’s national AI policy . In response, Malik outlined a pilot with the Christian community to document AI-facilitated harms such as deepfakes leading to blasphemy allegations and violence. Some additional goals are to build referral pathways into the National Commission for Human Rights complaints system, and to create resources in local languages including Urdu and Punjabi . Addie Achan added that Kaleidoscope project helps local communities evaluate and govern AI. She expressed concern that “AI for good” projects may export California or US biases into other contexts without proper safeguards . Vasileios Rovilos explained that Credo AI focuses on the operational layer of regulation by building risk libraries, controls libraries, and mitigation techniques to create evidence and accountability structures for AI governance .
A major theme was that civil society needs stronger access to evidence, funding, and collaboration. Malik argued that in South Asia CSOs struggle to build independent evidence infrastructures because work is donor-funded, short-term, repetitive, and siloed, while access to government-held datasets is also difficult . Achan agreed that much work happens in isolation and suggested CSOs can collect evidence that is then codified through existing infrastructure, citing a Māori language data trust in New Zealand as an example of community stewardship . Rovilos argued for collaboration, evidence integrity, and common taxonomies to avoid fragmentation in global AI governance .
On youth participation, the panellists agreed that young people need meaningful power rather than token inclusion. Malik stressed unequal access among students, language barriers in explaining AI, the mistaken belief that coding expertise is required, and the value of universities, youth forums, and national human rights institutions in building rights-based AI engagement . Achan distinguished tokenism from genuine shared decision-making, arguing that youth should have authority over decisions that affect them . Rovilos added that youth are among those most exposed to AI systems, from proctoring to hiring tools, and should therefore be included early, given influence, and supported through follow-through and AI literacy efforts .
Looking ahead five years, the speakers called for more formalised and better-resourced youth roles in AI governance. Malik proposed mandatory youth participation in international digital reporting processes and an independent youth-run digital commission in Pakistan . Achan argued for transparent participatory voting on AI priorities paired with independent evaluations of whether systems meet public needs . In the closing exchange, the panel also noted that parents and teachers are not yet fully equipped to teach AI, but could do more with accessible resources, while governance for more advanced AI systems should proceed through common expectations, multi-stakeholder processes, and stronger AI literacy . Overall, the discussion converged on collaboration, evidence, and empowered youth participation as core requirements for fairer AI governance .
- The panel’s central theme was building more inclusive, plural and democratic AI governance by involving civil society, local communities and youth, with the moderator framing the session around concrete tools and mechanisms for broader participation in AI governance.
- Emaan Yasin Malik highlighted exclusion and underrepresentation in Pakistan’s tech and AI policy landscape, noting skewed participation in a youth hackathon and concerns that Pakistan’s national AI policy claimed consultation with rights groups that many said did not occur. In response, she described a pilot focused on the Christian community to document AI-facilitated harms, build referral pathways into the National Commission for Human Rights, and create community resources in local languages.
- Addie Achan and Vasileios Rovilos both stressed that effective AI governance depends on evidence and operational infrastructure. Addie described Kaleidoscope’s approach as “evidence plus infrastructure equals trust”, using community input to build benchmarks and AI evaluations for local deployments. Vasileios similarly argued for risk libraries, controls libraries and mitigation techniques that translate regulation into operational practice and create accountability structures.
- A major discussion point was the difficulty civil society organisations face in participating meaningfully in AI governance, especially in lower-resource contexts. Emaan pointed to donor-driven short funding cycles, duplicated projects, siloed work and difficulties accessing fragmented government datasets in South Asia. Addie argued for collaboration and for CSOs to collect evidence that can be codified through existing governance structures, while Vasileios emphasised combining independent evidence, common taxonomies and collaboration to avoid fragmentation and increase influence.
- Youth participation emerged as a key priority, with speakers arguing that young people need more than token representation. Emaan noted inequalities in access, language barriers and misconceptions that only coders can shape AI governance, and proposed working through schools, universities and national human rights institutions. Addie used a framework contrasting tokenism with genuine shared decision-making, arguing youth should have meaningful authority. Vasileios reinforced the need for proactive involvement, follow-through and AI literacy, especially because young people are among those most affected by AI systems. Looking ahead five years, the panel called for mandatory youth inclusion in international reporting, independent youth-led digital bodies, transparent participatory systems for evaluating AI tools, more funding and stronger institutional commitments to AI literacy.
- The overall purpose of the discussion was to explore how AI governance can become more inclusive, evidence-based and democratic, particularly by strengthening the role of civil society and ensuring that youth and marginalised communities are not merely consulted symbolically but are able to shape decisions in practice.
- The overall tone was constructive, reflective and collaborative throughout. It began in a practical and conversational manner, with the moderator explicitly inviting discussion rather than formal presentations. It then became more serious and urgent when speakers described exclusion, weak consultation, online harms and structural barriers to participation. Toward the end, the tone became more forward-looking and solution-oriented, especially in the discussion of youth participation, future institutional reforms and audience questions about AGI, education and intergenerational dialogue.
The moderator, Dr Pedro dos Santos Maia, introduced the panel as a conversation on how to build more inclusive and diverse AI governance, and he explicitly framed it around practical mechanisms rather than formal speeches . He invited the three panellists - Emaan Yasin Malik, Addie Achan and Vasileios Rovilos - to explain what concrete tools or processes they were building, what governance gap those addressed, and why they had chosen that starting point . This gave the discussion a practical focus on concrete mechanisms for inclusion in AI governance .
Malik grounded her opening remarks in Pakistan’s institutional and social context . She explained that the National Commission for Human Rights sits between civil society and government and tries to bridge the two . She then described a youth tech hackathon run with the Supreme Court in which most applicants were young Muslim men, only about 20 per cent were women, and there were no applicants from Hindu, Christian or Sikh communities . She presented this as a sign of wider exclusion shaped by social and community hierarchies . She connected this to concerns about Pakistan’s national AI policy, saying that although the policy stated that civil society and rights groups had been consulted, a number of leading organisations said they had not in fact been included .
Malik then outlined a pilot project focused on Pakistan’s Christian community . The first stage was to document AI-related harms with churches, Christian schools, CSOs and community members . She gave the example of deepfakes that could trigger blasphemy allegations and, in turn, lead to incitement, mob violence or arrest . The second stage was to create a referral pathway into the Commission’s complaints system so that complaint officers could handle such cases more effectively . The third stage, which she described in more tentative terms, was to develop accessible resources in Urdu and Punjabi and try to ensure that community input also reached policy processes .
Achan presented Kaleidoscope’s community-centred approach to AI governance . Drawing on her background as a former AI engineer and later an AI lead at a philanthropy supporting AI-for-good work, she said she still believed AI could be beneficial, but argued that many deployments lacked adequate guardrails . Her concern was that tools largely developed in California or the United States could be exported into other contexts together with US-centred assumptions and biases, even when presented as socially beneficial . She summarised her approach in the phrase “evidence plus infrastructure equals trust” . By evidence, she meant gathering community input; by infrastructure, she meant turning that input into usable governance tools such as benchmarks and AI evaluations, which she described as tests to understand system performance . Her argument was that trust is more likely to emerge when communities help shape the standards by which AI systems are assessed .
Rovilos focused on the operational side of governance . Speaking from Credo AI’s perspective, he said the organisation works on the layer that translates regulatory requirements into day-to-day practice . He agreed strongly with Achan that evidence would become central to AI governance and said this would also matter for enabling participation by civil society and young people . At the same time, he noted that CSOs are often asked to look “under the hood” of AI systems without being given sufficient evidence to do so . He said Credo AI responds by building risk libraries, controls libraries and mitigation techniques, and by shaping these with customers so that organisations have a usable evidence base and an audit trail for accountability .
The moderator then drew out a shared thread across the three interventions: the relationship between evidence and governance infrastructure . He asked whether CSOs needed independent evidence infrastructure of their own in order to participate meaningfully in systems often dominated by experts and engineers, or whether civil society knowledge and lived experience could instead be translated into existing governance frameworks .
Malik replied that the answer depended heavily on national context, particularly in South Asia . She said CSOs often struggle to build their own evidence systems because this work is donor-funded, funding cycles are short, and competition for grants encourages duplication and siloed projects . She added that organisations frequently end up repeating similar forms of data collection without creating durable shared infrastructure . She argued that greater collaboration among CSOs was needed, possibly with support from a separate body . To illustrate the resource problem, she described volunteers working on the Asia-Pacific Internet Governance Forum in Pakistan after university hours and still having to search for donors to run the annual forum . She also highlighted difficulties in obtaining data, noting that in many South Asian countries key datasets are fragmented across institutions . Her example was UNICEF’s attempt in Pakistan to develop an AI-based age-verification tool for children before transfer to adult prison wards, which was hindered by problems obtaining police data from the National Police Bureau .
Achan broadly agreed that too much work happens in isolation . She argued that CSOs can gather evidence, but that this evidence then needs to connect to institutional structures so it can become actionable . She illustrated this with an example from New Zealand, where Māori communities were developing speech recognition for an under-resourced language . When a US film company tried to buy the data, an independent CSO helped curate it, and the government ultimately placed it in a trust so that it could benefit the community and be protected from surveillance or extractive commercial use . She said this showed that CSOs can collect and curate community evidence while governments can provide legal or institutional safeguards around it . She also broadened the discussion from access to evidence to the question of what counts as evidence in AI governance and how CSOs can contribute to it .
Rovilos said this should not be treated as an either/or choice between evidence and infrastructure . Instead, he argued for both: CSO independence can help preserve evidence integrity, while shared taxonomies and a common language can allow that evidence to move across institutions and jurisdictions . Without such common frameworks, he warned, governance risks becoming a “Tower of Babel” in which fragmented actors cannot meaningfully communicate . He also referred to figures suggesting that while a large majority of companies now use AI, only a very small proportion know how to carry out AI governance in practice . He used this to stress both the implementation gap and the need for collaboration among actors trying to build workable systems .
The conversation then turned to youth participation . The moderator did not just ask how to include young people; he asked whether they should be involved in the same way that experts currently are, or whether something more specific was needed . This question shaped the next round of responses.
Malik stressed inequality in access, language and confidence . She contrasted students in elite schools, who may have better access to tools, language models and online courses, with students in under-resourced government schools, where even explaining AI in Urdu can be difficult . She recounted trying to translate AI as “nakli akal”, which students understood in a negative way and found alarming . She also said many young people associate AI mainly with social media image tools and assume they must know how to code before they can speak about AI governance . For her, this meant that meaningful participation depends on literacy and language accessibility as much as formal inclusion . She mentioned regional English-language spaces such as Netmission Asia and the Asia-Pacific Youth Internet Governance Forum . In Pakistan, however, she said universities were one of the most useful entry points, and she referred to memoranda of understanding with 20 universities and plans to work through human rights cells to develop AI and rights-based modules . She also argued that national human rights institutions should have an AI and rights-based programme or focal person .
Achan approached youth participation by questioning assumptions about expertise . She argued that because AI is still relatively new, the difference in AI use between a 25-year-old and a 50-year-old may not be that stark . She also noted that the longer-term consequences of AI, including environmental effects, will particularly affect younger generations . To frame her point, she drew on Roger Hart’s ladder of participation, which ranges from tokenism at the bottom to youth-initiated shared decision-making at the top . Her central argument was that governance should not simply “give children a voice” without giving them meaningful choices or influence . She suggested judging participation by whether young people’s presence actually changes the outcome . This reinforced the distinction between symbolic inclusion and real decision-making power for young people .
Rovilos echoed the anti-tokenism argument but added a stronger institutional critique . He said tokenisation is a cheap way to appear inclusive while withholding real power . In his view, youth participation has to be connected to processes that matter, and the structural distance between young people and decision-makers has to be addressed directly . He supported Malik’s emphasis on resources and follow-up, arguing that young people need support, sustained engagement and actual influence rather than one-off invitations . He also said youth participation should be tied to locally deployed AI systems, because proximity to lived harms matters . Timing was important for him as well: young people should be involved early, before decisions are effectively settled . He added that this is not only a procedural point, because young people are already heavily affected by AI systems through tools such as proctoring software, phone-based algorithms and later hiring systems . From a European perspective, he pointed to the AI Pact as one possible multistakeholder vehicle, but argued that current AI literacy efforts are mainly designed for deployers and corporate actors, leaving youth largely outside the process .
In the forward-looking section, the moderator asked what institutions, frameworks or benchmarks for youth participation the panellists would like to see within five years .
Malik proposed two main changes . First, she said youth participation should be mandatory in international reporting on digital issues, especially in UN-related processes, so that states are required to produce evidence of what young people are actually saying . She noted that children are already consulted under the Convention on the Rights of the Child and suggested that digital-related reporting under mechanisms such as CAT and CERD should similarly include youth input . Second, she said that within five years she would like to see an independent youth digital commission in Pakistan, run by young people themselves but resourced by the state . She presented this as an aspiration linked to concerns about freedom of expression and widespread online and tech-facilitated violence affecting children, minority communities and women .
Achan said she would like to see some form of public process that continuously asks communities what they want from AI, potentially through issue-specific mechanisms rather than a single all-purpose structure . She then proposed a transparent participatory voting system through which people could express what they wanted from the AI systems entering their lives . Those preferences would be matched with transparent scores showing how well those systems were actually serving community needs . She stressed that this scoring should be carried out by an independent evaluator rather than by AI companies themselves .
Rovilos broadly supported the previous proposals and added three priorities . First, he said AI governance is inherently intergenerational, so excluding youth would make little sense given that they will live longest with its consequences . Second, he returned to the issue of funding and argued that more resources must be invested in youth participation over the next five years . Third, he criticised European practice for often inviting youth to raise concerns without any real follow-through . What he wanted instead was more impact-driven inclusion, with participation rights more clearly accentuated or even augmented and with institutions expected to act on what young people say . He concluded by returning to AI literacy, arguing that institutions should treat youth skilling as part of their everyday practice because younger generations will have to deal with the long-term consequences of widespread AI use .
The audience questions introduced two final issues: advanced AI and intergenerational education . One audience member referred to a claim attributed to a Google leader that AGI might arrive before 2030, and asked what that would mean for AI governance and whether young people would be involved . Another asked how intergenerational dialogue could be built in practice and whether parents and teachers were equipped to teach AI to the next generation .
Achan replied that parents and teachers are not yet equipped to teach AI well, because it is a new field and expertise in it is not neatly tied to age . She said this actually strengthens the case for giving youth an equal voice rather than assuming older generations should decide for them . On AGI, she took a relatively continuous view, arguing that even if systems become much more capable, governance will still need to focus on how they affect human experience . For that reason, youth would remain essential participants, though not the only ones, within intergenerational governance .
Malik answered the education question with examples from Pakistan . She described teachers as overworked but generally open to tools that might help them . She also observed that parents are often anxious but highly motivated, giving the example of parents in Lahore asking how to “get our kid into AI” . Despite confusion and mixed media narratives, she said this creates a degree of willingness and excitement among parents, teachers and students . Her practical recommendation was to provide free, accessible and language-friendly curricula and workshop resources, because teachers are likely to use them if they are available .
Rovilos answered from a regulatory and institutional perspective . On AGI, he acknowledged that major advances may come faster than expected, but argued that governance should still proceed step by step . He referred to the EU AI Act as an example of a framework that at least classifies risks and attaches obligations to them, including prohibited practices . His deeper concern was that more advanced systems might challenge assumptions such as meaningful human oversight . He also pointed to wider geopolitical dynamics, including export controls and technology access, as evidence that states already shape AI markets in important ways . At the same time, he argued that the immediate priority is to establish common expectations through broad multistakeholder engagement rather than trying to solve every future scenario at once . On education, he gave the example of his niece using Claude on a tablet for homework while her teachers did not know . He linked this directly to the need for AI literacy obligations not only for companies but also for schools and public institutions .
Overall, the panel was marked more by complementary emphases than by disagreement . Malik focused on exclusion, minority harms, language barriers, complaint pathways and the need for institutional mandates . Achan emphasised community evidence, trust, independent evaluation and the difference between symbolic participation and genuine influence . Rovilos concentrated on operationalising governance, building common frameworks, avoiding tokenism and addressing the fact that current literacy efforts are too focused on deployers and corporate actors . Across these contributions, several shared themes emerged: inclusion requires practical structures; evidence and infrastructure need to work together; and participation is weakened when funding is unstable, data is inaccessible, or institutions do not follow through .
In closing, the discussion suggested a layered model of inclusive AI governance rooted in lived harms, community input and usable institutional mechanisms . It also linked local relevance to both Malik’s Pakistan examples and Achan’s warning about imported US biases . The panel ended without formal resolutions, but with a clear direction: fairer AI governance will require bottom-up evidence, stronger collaboration, meaningful youth participation, and institutions that can translate participation into accountability and practice . The moderator closed by thanking Globethics for organising the session and inviting participants to continue the conversation informally afterwards .
The knowledge base provides broader support for this concern by noting that simply transferring technologies from developed countries to developing countries is often inappropriate because such transfers require context-specific considerations [S85]. It also warns that developing states risk becoming providers of raw data while paying for intelligence services developed elsewhere [S87].
This is consistent with wider AI governance discussions in the knowledge base stressing the need for practical tools, resource libraries, standards, and reliable assessment methods for testing AI systems and translating principles into implementation [S89].
The emphasis on actionable mechanisms aligns with broader knowledge-base discussions that AI governance now needs to move from high-level principles to practical, implementable measures and toolkits [S89].
Community-centred harm documentation and complaint pathways for minority groups to feed AI policy and accountability (Ms. Emaan Yasin Malik)
Arg. 1Emaan argues that inclusive AI governance should begin with direct documentation of harms experienced by marginalised communities and with practical pathways for remedy. Her approach is to connect community evidence, complaint handling and policy input so that minority groups are not excluded from governance and accountability processes.
She explained that her pilot project works with Pakistan’s Christian community, partnering with churches, Christian schools, community members and CSOs to document harms linked to AI-facilitated violence . She gave concrete examples of those harms, including deepfakes leading to blasphemy allegations, incitement, mob violence and arrests, and said the project would then build a referral pathway into the National Commission for Human Rights complaint system and produce resources in Urdu and Punjabi so community input can shape policy .
on: Inclusive AI governance should be grounded in evidence from affected communities and translated into practical governance mechanisms
on: Whether AI governance should prioritise community-level harm documentation and redress, independent participatory evaluation systems, or operational compliance tooling as the main concrete mechanism for inclusion
In Pakistan and similar contexts, CSOs struggle to build evidence infrastructure because funding is short-term, donor-driven, repetitive and siloed, so stronger collaboration and support bodies are needed (Ms. Emaan Yasin Malik)
Arg. 2Emaan argues that civil society organisations in Pakistan and similar settings face structural obstacles in building sustained evidence systems for AI governance. She stresses that fragmented funding and siloed projects make collaboration and institutional support necessary if CSOs are to contribute meaningfully.
She said that in countries like Pakistan, this work is almost entirely donor-funded, with short funding cycles and intense competition, which leads to repeated projects and siloed data collection rather than durable evidence systems . She added that a major solution would be stronger collaboration among CSOs and possibly a supporting body to assist them, while also noting that youth groups often spend their energy searching for donors instead of advancing the work itself .
on: Civil society participation depends on better collaboration, stronger evidence systems and less fragmentation
on: Whether the main institutional answer to weak CSO participation is stronger support bodies and funding, plugging evidence into existing state structures, or building shared taxonomies and operational coherence
Exclusion is visible in practice: youth tech participation in Pakistan was dominated by Muslim men, while women and minority communities were largely absent, revealing deeper class and community barriers (Ms. Emaan Yasin Malik)
Arg. 3Emaan argues that participation gaps are not abstract but already visible in who turns up to tech and AI opportunities. The dominance of one social group in a youth hackathon revealed deeper gender, class and minority exclusions that inclusive governance must address.
She described how her organisation hosted a tech hackathon for youth in Pakistan with the Supreme Court and found that all applications came from young Muslim men except for 20% from women, with no applications from Hindu, Christian or Sikh communities . She said these patterns reflected class and community structures in Pakistan and were a serious concern for the commission .
on: Current AI participation is exclusionary, especially for marginalised groups and communities outside dominant centres of power
Youth participation must account for inequality in access, language and literacy; many students do not know they can shape AI governance without being coders, so rights-based education and local-language resources are essential (Ms. Emaan Yasin Malik)
Arg. 4Emaan argues that youth participation in AI governance requires more than inviting young people into the room; it requires addressing unequal access to tools, language barriers and misconceptions about who is qualified to participate. She emphasises that rights-based education and local-language resources are necessary so young people understand that governance is not only for coders or elites.
She contrasted students from top schools, who had access to visas, language models and online courses, with students in government-funded and underprivileged schools where even explaining AI in Urdu was difficult . She recounted trying to translate AI as 'Nakli akal', which students found frightening, and said many students only associated AI with TikTok image generation and believed they needed coding skills to have a say in governance . She also pointed to resources such as Netmission Academy and the Asia-Pacific Youth Internet Governance Forum, and said her organisation has MOUs with 20 universities to develop human-rights-based AI modules .
on: Youth participation in AI governance must be meaningful rather than tokenistic, with real influence over decisions
Youth participation should be mandatory in international digital rights reporting, and Pakistan should develop an independent youth-run digital commission with state support (Ms. Emaan Yasin Malik)
Arg. 5Emaan argues that within five years, youth participation should be embedded formally in international accountability processes rather than left optional. She also calls for a national institutional mechanism in Pakistan that is independent, youth-led and publicly resourced to address digital harms and governance concerns.
She said youth participation should be mandatory in international reporting processes on digital issues, arguing that the UN should require youth voices in reporting cycles such as CAT and CERD so states must provide evidence of what young people are saying . She also proposed an independent, self-governed digital commission in Pakistan run entirely by youth and supported with state resources, citing concerns about low freedom of speech rankings and online violence affecting children, minorities and women .
on: The next five years should bring more formal, transparent and better-resourced structures for youth participation in AI governance
on: How youth participation should be institutionalised over the next five years
Teachers, parents and students are willing to engage with AI, but they need free, accessible and language-appropriate curricula and workshop resources to do so effectively (Ms. Emaan Yasin Malik)
Arg. 6Emaan argues that educational stakeholders are not resistant to AI but are actively looking for guidance and tools. She suggests that practical uptake depends on making learning materials free, easy to use and adapted to local languages and contexts.
She said teachers are overworked but welcome tools that can assist them, and she described parents at a high school in Pakistan asking how they could get their children into AI because they feel urgency and uncertainty about what AI means for the future . She argued that if teachers and students are given accessible curricula, workshop designs and language-friendly resources, they are willing to engage, and she cited an ITU survey showing particularly high excitement about AI in South Asia compared with fear .
on: AI literacy and education are essential, and institutions must support teachers, parents and young people rather than assuming readiness
on: Whether AI literacy should be framed mainly as broad shared participation across generations or as a priority institutional obligation centred on schools and educators
Local evidence plus evaluation infrastructure can rebuild trust and help communities assess AI systems before and during deployment (Ms. Addie Achan)
Arg. 1Addie argues that inclusive AI governance depends on gathering local community evidence and converting it into practical evaluation tools. Her core claim is that when communities can assess AI systems through benchmarks and evaluations, trust is more likely to be built than when systems are simply imposed.
She said her organisation Kaleidoscope helps local communities evaluate and govern AI systems as they enter their environments . She described her approach as 'evidence plus infrastructure equals trust', explaining that evidence means collecting community inputs and infrastructure means turning those inputs into tools such as benchmarks and AI evaluations to test system performance, with the aim of restoring community trust in deployment .
on: Inclusive AI governance should be grounded in evidence from affected communities and translated into practical governance mechanisms
on: Whether AI governance should prioritise community-level harm documentation and redress, independent participatory evaluation systems, or operational compliance tooling as the main concrete mechanism for inclusion
CSOs can collect valuable community evidence and connect it to state or institutional infrastructure, but there must also be broader recognition of what counts as evidence (Ms. Addie Achan)
Arg. 2Addie argues that civil society can play a strong role in evidence collection even if it does not control the final policy infrastructure. She also warns that governance systems must widen their understanding of evidence, because community knowledge may otherwise be undervalued compared with better-funded corporate evidence production.
She said CSOs can collect evidence and then plug that evidence into existing institutional infrastructure to turn it into action . As an example, she described Maori communities in New Zealand building speech recognition for their under-resourced language, with an independent CSO curating the data and the New Zealand government placing it in a trust so it benefits the community and is protected from surveillance and commercial exploitation . She also argued that there needs to be more discussion about what qualifies as evidence because for-profit AI actors have far more capital to generate the kinds of evidence that currently dominate governance processes .
on: Civil society participation depends on better collaboration, stronger evidence systems and less fragmentation
on: Whether the main institutional answer to weak CSO participation is stronger support bodies and funding, plugging evidence into existing state structures, or building shared taxonomies and operational coherence
AI for Good efforts often export Californian or US assumptions and biases into other contexts without sufficient guardrails or local accountability (Ms. Addie Achan)
Arg. 3Addie argues that even well-intentioned AI deployments can reproduce power imbalances when they are designed from a US perspective and exported elsewhere. She suggests that local accountability and stronger safeguards are needed so 'AI for Good' does not simply transmit external biases into other communities.
She drew on her background as an AI engineer and former AI lead at a philanthropy funding AI for Good deployments, and said that although AI for Good is possible, the movement often lacks guardrails . She specifically criticised the tendency for technologies developed in California or the United States to carry US biases and then be deployed in other regions 'in the name for good' without enough local accountability .
on: Current AI participation is exclusionary, especially for marginalised groups and communities outside dominant centres of power
Youth should have meaningful authority rather than token roles, because their perspective is distinct and especially relevant to long-term impacts such as environmental and social effects (Ms. Addie Achan)
Arg. 4Addie argues that young people should not merely be symbolically included in AI governance. Their involvement should affect real decisions, especially because they will live longest with AI’s long-term consequences and can offer perspectives that differ from older generations.
She said the functional difference between a 25-year-old and a 50-year-old in using AI may be less stark than in older industries because AI is relatively new, making youth perspectives especially important . She referred to a UNICEF essay by Roger Hart describing eight rungs of children’s participation, contrasting tokenism with youth-initiated shared decision-making, and argued that AI governance should give young people genuine authority and test whether their presence changes outcomes rather than serving a performative function . She also noted that long-term effects, including environmental impacts, particularly affect youth .
on: Youth participation in AI governance must be meaningful rather than tokenistic, with real influence over decisions
on: How to respond to future highly advanced AI or AGI within present governance discussions
Governments should create transparent participatory systems through which people, including youth, can state what they want from AI and see independent evaluations of whether systems meet those needs (Ms. Addie Achan)
Arg. 5Addie argues that within five years, governance should include formal participatory channels where people can express expectations for AI systems and see whether those systems meet them. She emphasises transparency and independence so evaluation is not controlled by AI companies themselves.
In her five-year vision, she proposed transparent participatory voting systems through which people can input what they want from AI tools affecting their lives . She added that these systems should be paired with transparent objective scores and independent evaluations showing how well the tools meet those needs, specifically avoiding self-assessment by AI companies .
on: The next five years should bring more formal, transparent and better-resourced structures for youth participation in AI governance
on: How youth participation should be institutionalised over the next five years
Because AI is new, expertise is not simply age-based; parents and teachers are not automatically equipped, which strengthens the case for shared participation across generations (Ms. Addie Achan)
Arg. 6Addie argues that AI expertise cannot be assumed on the basis of age or social role because the technology is new to nearly everyone. This means intergenerational governance and education should be shared, with youth having an equal voice rather than being treated only as learners.
Responding to the audience, she said she does not think teachers and parents are currently equipped to teach AI because it is a new skill set and understanding it has very little to do with age . She argued that this makes youth participation more credible and necessary, while also saying youth should not have an exclusive role because intergenerational collaboration remains important .
on: AI literacy and education are essential, and institutions must support teachers, parents and young people rather than assuming readiness
on: Whether AI literacy should be framed mainly as broad shared participation across generations or as a priority institutional obligation centred on schools and educators
Operational governance needs risk libraries, control libraries and mitigation tools that translate regulation into practical accountability structures (Mr. Vasileios Rovilos)
Arg. 1Vasileios argues that inclusive AI governance requires operational mechanisms that make regulation usable in practice. Rather than remaining at the level of principles, governance should be supported by concrete repositories of risks, controls and mitigation techniques that enable accountability.
He said Credo AI works by offering the operational layer that translates regulatory requirements into actions organisations can actually implement, with the goal of making AI governance more robust, holistic and sustainable . He specified that this includes creating risk libraries, control libraries and risk mitigation techniques, co-shaped with customers, so there is a substantive inventory of evidence that can support accountability structures in AI governance .
on: Inclusive AI governance should be grounded in evidence from affected communities and translated into practical governance mechanisms
on: Whether AI governance should prioritise community-level harm documentation and redress, independent participatory evaluation systems, or operational compliance tooling as the main concrete mechanism for inclusion
AI governance should not treat infrastructure and evidence as separate choices; CSO independence, evidence integrity and a common taxonomy are all needed to avoid fragmentation and improve influence (Mr. Vasileios Rovilos)
Arg. 2Vasileios argues that evidence and infrastructure are mutually reinforcing rather than competing approaches. He maintains that civil society’s influence depends on independent and trustworthy evidence, but also on shared language and common frameworks that prevent fragmentation across organisations and regulators.
He said the issue should not be framed as a binary between infrastructure and access to evidence, but as a combined approach in which CSOs provide independence and evidence integrity within a common taxonomy or language . He warned that fragmented ways of discussing AI governance across CSOs and regulators create a 'Tower of Babel' situation, and argued that fragmentation is especially harmful for a global issue like AI .
on: Civil society participation depends on better collaboration, stronger evidence systems and less fragmentation
on: Whether the main institutional answer to weak CSO participation is stronger support bodies and funding, plugging evidence into existing state structures, or building shared taxonomies and operational coherence
Many organisations use AI extensively without knowing how to govern it, which creates a dangerous gap between adoption and responsible oversight (Mr. Vasileios Rovilos)
Arg. 3Vasileios argues that AI adoption is outpacing governance capacity inside organisations. This creates systemic risk because firms rely heavily on AI tools without the internal maturity or controls needed for responsible use.
He cited a proof point that more than 70% of companies rely on AI tools, while only about 4-5% of those companies know how to conduct AI governance . He concluded that these organisations are using AI without mature infrastructure to control it, which he described as deeply problematic .
Young people are structurally distant from decision-making even though they are heavily exposed to AI systems, so they must be included early, given influence and supported through follow-through (Mr. Vasileios Rovilos)
Arg. 4Vasileios argues that youth are often kept far from real decision-making despite being among the groups most affected by AI. He says meaningful participation requires early involvement, concrete influence over decisions and sustained follow-up so youth are not merely symbolically consulted.
He said there is significant distance between decision-makers and youth, criticised tokenisation that gives young people visibility without power, and argued they must be involved in processes that truly matter . He stressed that youth participation should be anchored in locally deployed AI systems and that young people must be brought in proactively before decisions are predetermined . He also noted that youth are heavily exposed to AI through proctoring tools, smartphone systems and future hiring algorithms, making it crucial that they are aware of and able to claim decision-making space .
on: Youth participation in AI governance must be meaningful rather than tokenistic, with real influence over decisions
More funding, stronger follow-through and deeply embedded AI literacy are necessary so institutions consistently include youth in decision-making rather than using symbolic participation (Mr. Vasileios Rovilos)
Arg. 5Vasileios argues that meaningful youth inclusion in the next five years will depend on resourcing, implementation and institutional change. He stresses that symbolic consultation must be replaced by funded, impact-driven participation supported by AI literacy embedded in everyday institutional practice.
He said that one of the main barriers identified earlier was access to evidence and funding, and argued that more funds should be invested in this direction over the next five years . He criticised tokenisation in the EU context as performative participation without follow-through and said he wants to see impact-driven inclusion of youth in decision-making, potentially with strengthened rights . He further argued that AI literacy must become ingrained in the daily thinking and actions of institutions because future generations will need to manage AI’s implications .
on: The next five years should bring more formal, transparent and better-resourced structures for youth participation in AI governance
on: How to respond to future highly advanced AI or AGI within present governance discussions
AI literacy should be a priority obligation for schools and educators, since young people are already using AI tools without adult supervision or institutional readiness (Mr. Vasileios Rovilos)
Arg. 6Vasileios argues that schools and educators should be a central focus of AI literacy policy because children are already using AI in ways that institutions are not prepared for. He frames this as an obligation, not an optional add-on, because educational settings are directly affected by AI use.
He recounted visiting his niece in Greece and discovering that she was using Claude on her tablet for homework and had effectively taught herself by asking the AI tool directly, with no direct supervision from teachers . He used this example to argue that teachers and educators must be heavily invested in AI literacy efforts and that schools should be treated as a top-tier priority, ideally within public-law obligations around AI literacy .
on: AI literacy and education are essential, and institutions must support teachers, parents and young people rather than assuming readiness
on: Whether AI literacy should be framed mainly as broad shared participation across generations or as a priority institutional obligation centred on schools and educators
The panel focuses on how to build more inclusive and diverse AI governance with plural participation from civil society and other social actors (Dr. Pedro dos Santos Maia)
Arg. 1Pedro frames the session around the need for AI governance that is more inclusive, diverse and democratic. He asks the panellists to explain what concrete tools and mechanisms they are developing to widen participation by civil society and other parts of society.
He introduced the session by saying it would discuss AI governance and how to build a more inclusive and diverse governance of AI . He then asked the panellists what concrete tools and mechanisms they were building to ensure more plural and democratic participation of civil society and other sectors in AI governance, and to explain the gaps these efforts address .
on: Inclusive AI governance should be grounded in evidence from affected communities and translated into practical governance mechanisms
The discussion asks how CSOs can engage more actively in expert-led governance spaces and whether independent evidence infrastructure is needed for decision-making (Dr. Pedro dos Santos Maia)
Arg. 2Pedro frames the second part of the discussion around the role of civil society in evidence production and governance design. He asks whether CSOs need independent evidence infrastructures or alternative ways for their knowledge and lived experience to shape expert-led AI frameworks.
He identified a common thread in the panellists’ projects around how evidence is produced and embedded in AI governance infrastructure . He then asked how CSOs could participate more actively in current expert-group settings and whether independent evidence infrastructure is needed to shape decision-making or whether other pathways could translate CSO knowledge into present AI frameworks .
on: Civil society participation depends on better collaboration, stronger evidence systems and less fragmentation
The conversation repeatedly links current governance gaps to who is left out of consultation, expertise and implementation processes (Dr. Pedro dos Santos Maia)
Arg. 3Pedro repeatedly steers the conversation towards inclusion, highlighting that AI governance failures are tied to exclusion from consultation and participation. His moderation emphasises that governance quality depends on who is able to contribute evidence, expertise and lived experience.
He framed the overall discussion around democratic participation by civil society and other parts of society in AI governance . Later, he explicitly summarised the panel’s recurring themes as the need for collaboration, state participation and evidence, which linked governance gaps to who is included in these processes .
on: Current AI participation is exclusionary, especially for marginalised groups and communities outside dominant centres of power
The panel explicitly examines how AI governance can mirror and strengthen youth participation rather than treating young people as an afterthought (Dr. Pedro dos Santos Maia)
Arg. 4Pedro explicitly raises youth participation as a governance design question rather than a side issue. He asks whether youth should be engaged through the same structures as experts or through more tailored mechanisms that respond to their specific needs.
He asked how AI governance could be made in a way that mirrors youth participation and how young people could be brought into the conversation . He also asked whether existing expert-oriented methods are sufficient or whether something more specific is needed to cater to youth .
on: Youth participation in AI governance must be meaningful rather than tokenistic, with real influence over decisions
The closing exercise invites the panel to imagine what bodies, frameworks and benchmarks for youth participation should exist within five years (Dr. Pedro dos Santos Maia)
Arg. 5Pedro concludes the panel by prompting the speakers to move from diagnosis to design. He asks them to imagine concrete institutional arrangements, frameworks and benchmarks that should be in place within five years to support youth participation in AI governance.
He introduced a final exercise asking the panellists to imagine five years from now and say what they would want to see implemented in terms of youth participation in AI governance . He specifically asked about the kinds of bodies, frameworks and benchmarks they hoped would exist by then .
on: The next five years should bring more formal, transparent and better-resourced structures for youth participation in AI governance
The moderator’s questions connect governance to practical education, asking how to bring youth and broader society into informed participation (Dr. Pedro dos Santos Maia)
Arg. 6Pedro’s moderation consistently links AI governance to public understanding and participation, not only to expert regulation. By posing questions on youth inclusion and then inviting audience questions on education, he helps connect governance debates to practical literacy and social capacity-building.
He asked how AI governance could better include youth and whether young people need specific mechanisms for participation beyond the expert model . He then opened the floor to audience questions, which led directly into discussion of whether parents and teachers are equipped to teach AI and how intergenerational dialogue can be fostered .
on: AI literacy and education are essential, and institutions must support teachers, parents and young people rather than assuming readiness
A key audience concern is whether governance tools will remain adequate if highly advanced AI arrives within the next five years (Audience)
Arg. 1The audience raises the concern that current governance mechanisms may be overtaken by rapid advances in AI capability. The question challenges the panel to consider whether the tools being discussed are future-proof if very advanced AI emerges soon.
An audience member referred to the belief of Google’s co-founder and CEO that highly advanced AI may arrive before 2030, and asked what that would mean for AI governance if it comes within five years .
The audience stresses that intergenerational dialogue is necessary and asks how such dialogue can actually be fostered in practice (Audience)
Arg. 2The audience argues that broad agreement on intergenerational dialogue is not enough without practical methods for making it happen. The question seeks concrete strategies for connecting generations in AI governance and education.
One audience member said they agreed that intergenerational dialogue needs to take place, but asked directly how that dialogue can be fostered in practice .
The audience links future AI risks to the urgency of strengthening governance capacity now rather than assuming present systems are sufficient (Audience)
Arg. 3The audience argues that the possibility of rapid AI progress increases the urgency of current governance work. Rather than assuming existing institutions will cope, the question implies that governance capacity must be strengthened immediately.
The audience question linked the prospect of highly advanced AI arriving before 2030 to the practical challenge of how governance should respond if such systems emerge in five years . This framing treated future AI capability as a reason to test and strengthen governance capacity now .
The audience asks whether parents and teachers are equipped to teach AI and how society can build the intergenerational dialogue needed for youth engagement (Audience)
Arg. 4The audience argues that effective youth participation depends on whether the adults around young people can support them. The question highlights schools and families as crucial intermediaries in building the intergenerational dialogue needed for meaningful AI engagement.
An audience member asked whether teachers and parents are equipped to teach AI to the next generation and, if not, how society can upscale that capacity .
The audience presses the panel to consider how governance should evolve if AGI-level systems emerge within that same five-year timeframe (Audience)
Arg. 5The audience challenges the panel’s five-year planning horizon by introducing the possibility that AGI-level systems may emerge during that same period. This implies that future recommendations should not only improve participation but also remain responsive to potentially transformative technological change.
The audience member explicitly asked that if highly advanced AI arrives within five years, what that development would mean and how AI governance could be done under those conditions .
The audience explicitly argues that effective AI governance depends on equipping teachers and parents to support the next generation (Audience)
Arg. 6The audience argues that governance cannot succeed without building practical capacity in the adults who shape children’s learning and development. This positions AI literacy for teachers and parents as a prerequisite for meaningful social participation in AI governance.
The audience member asked whether teachers and parents are equipped to teach AI and, if not, how that capacity can be developed, explicitly tying intergenerational support to the needs of the next generation .
on: AI literacy and education are essential, and institutions must support teachers, parents and young people rather than assuming readiness
Session Knowledge Graph
Speakers · Topics · Arguments · Relationships
All panellists agreed that AI governance should not remain abstract or expert-only, but should be built through concrete tools that connect evidence from affected people to operational accountability. Pedro framed the discussion around concrete mechanisms for more inclusive AI governance . Emaan described documenting AI-related harms in minority communities and linking these to complaint pathways and policy input . Addie argued that 'evidence plus infrastructure equals trust' and said community input should be converted into benchmarks and evaluations . Vasileios similarly stressed operational tools such as risk libraries, controls libraries and mitigation techniques to make governance actionable .
Community-centred harm documentation and complaint pathways for minority groups to feed AI policy and accountability (Ms. Emaan Yasin Malik)
Local evidence plus evaluation infrastructure can rebuild trust and help communities assess AI systems before and during deployment (Ms. Addie Achan)
Operational governance needs risk libraries, control libraries and mitigation tools that translate regulation into practical accountability structures (Mr. Vasileios Rovilos)
The panel focuses on how to build more inclusive and diverse AI governance with plural participation from civil society and other social actors (Dr. Pedro dos Santos Maia)
This aligns with bottom-up and community-centred governance approaches that emphasise cultivating governance from affected communities rather than imposing it from above [S49]. It is also reinforced by examples of community-owned data collection and community-driven decision-making models, which show how lived evidence can be turned into operational governance practice [S57], and by critiques of AI deployments that exclude residents from deciding what systems optimise for [S60].
There was broad agreement that CSOs need stronger ways to participate in AI governance through collaboration and evidence-sharing rather than isolated work. Pedro explicitly asked how CSOs could participate more actively and whether independent evidence infrastructure was needed . Emaan said CSOs in Pakistan face donor-driven, short-term and siloed conditions and therefore need more collaboration and possibly supporting bodies . Addie agreed that too much is happening in isolation and said CSOs can collect evidence and plug it into existing infrastructure, while also widening ideas of what counts as evidence . Vasileios rejected an either/or framing between infrastructure and evidence and argued for combined systems built on CSO independence, evidence integrity and common language to avoid fragmentation .
In Pakistan and similar contexts, CSOs struggle to build evidence infrastructure because funding is short-term, donor-driven, repetitive and siloed, so stronger collaboration and support bodies are needed (Ms. Emaan Yasin Malik)
CSOs can collect valuable community evidence and connect it to state or institutional infrastructure, but there must also be broader recognition of what counts as evidence (Ms. Addie Achan)
AI governance should not treat infrastructure and evidence as separate choices; CSO independence, evidence integrity and a common taxonomy are all needed to avoid fragmentation and improve influence (Mr. Vasileios Rovilos)
The discussion asks how CSOs can engage more actively in expert-led governance spaces and whether independent evidence infrastructure is needed for decision-making (Dr. Pedro dos Santos Maia)
This reflects wider multistakeholder digital governance practice, where collaborative policy processes and structured stakeholder participation are treated as prerequisites for inclusive governance [S58] [S62]. Community-based and civil society-led models also show the importance of shared evidence, coordination, and policy-shaping roles for non-state actors rather than merely reacting to state decisions [S57] [S59].
The speakers converged on the view that exclusion is already built into many AI and tech participation systems. Emaan provided a concrete example from Pakistan, where hackathon participation was dominated by young Muslim men, with women and minority communities largely absent . Addie warned that AI for Good deployments often export Californian or US biases into other contexts without local accountability . Pedro repeatedly steered the discussion towards who is left out of consultation and participation in AI governance . Together, these points show agreement that AI governance must address structural inequalities, not just procedural inclusion.
Exclusion is visible in practice: youth tech participation in Pakistan was dominated by Muslim men, while women and minority communities were largely absent, revealing deeper class and community barriers (Ms. Emaan Yasin Malik)
AI for Good efforts often export Californian or US assumptions and biases into other contexts without sufficient guardrails or local accountability (Ms. Addie Achan)
The conversation repeatedly links current governance gaps to who is left out of consultation, expertise and implementation processes (Dr. Pedro dos Santos Maia)
This is supported by authoritative critiques noting that residents, marginalised communities, and those outside dominant linguistic and technical centres are often excluded from deciding how AI systems are designed and deployed [S60] [S61]. Broader inclusion frameworks also stress that policy inclusion and access inclusion remain unfinished tasks in digital governance, especially for underserved communities [S62].
All three panellists, prompted by Pedro, agreed that youth participation should go beyond symbolic presence and should shape real decisions. Pedro explicitly asked how AI governance could mirror youth participation and whether youth need tailored participation models beyond expert structures . Emaan stressed that youth participation must account for inequality in access, language and understanding, and that students often wrongly think only coders can have a say . Addie used the contrast between tokenism and shared decision-making to argue that youth should have genuine authority and that their presence should change outcomes . Vasileios likewise criticised tokenisation, said youth are structurally distant from decision-making, and argued they must be included proactively in processes that matter, with follow-through .
Youth participation must account for inequality in access, language and literacy; many students do not know they can shape AI governance without being coders, so rights-based education and local-language resources are essential (Ms. Emaan Yasin Malik)
Youth should have meaningful authority rather than token roles, because their perspective is distinct and especially relevant to long-term impacts such as environmental and social effects (Ms. Addie Achan)
Young people are structurally distant from decision-making even though they are heavily exposed to AI systems, so they must be included early, given influence and supported through follow-through (Mr. Vasileios Rovilos)
The panel explicitly examines how AI governance can mirror and strengthen youth participation rather than treating young people as an afterthought (Dr. Pedro dos Santos Maia)
This is directly supported by UN policy framing on meaningful youth engagement, which highlights structured mechanisms such as youth councils, youth parliaments, technical working groups, and participation in official delegations [S53]. It is also echoed in digital governance discussions calling for youth to move from token inclusion to shared decision-making, including formal youth seats and co-design roles in governance processes [S54] [S64].
A strong area of consensus was that AI literacy is now a governance issue, not only an educational add-on. The audience asked whether teachers and parents are equipped to teach AI and how to build intergenerational dialogue . Addie said teachers and parents are not automatically equipped because AI is a new skill set and expertise is not age-based . Emaan said teachers and parents are willing to engage, but need free, accessible and language-appropriate resources, curricula and workshop materials . Vasileios reinforced this by arguing that schools and educators should be a top priority for AI literacy because children are already using tools like Claude without supervision . Pedro's moderation linked youth participation to broader informed participation and capacity-building .
Teachers, parents and students are willing to engage with AI, but they need free, accessible and language-appropriate curricula and workshop resources to do so effectively (Ms. Emaan Yasin Malik)
Because AI is new, expertise is not simply age-based; parents and teachers are not automatically equipped, which strengthens the case for shared participation across generations (Ms. Addie Achan)
AI literacy should be a priority obligation for schools and educators, since young people are already using AI tools without adult supervision or institutional readiness (Mr. Vasileios Rovilos)
The audience explicitly argues that effective AI governance depends on equipping teachers and parents to support the next generation (Audience)
The moderator’s questions connect governance to practical education, asking how to bring youth and broader society into informed participation (Dr. Pedro dos Santos Maia)
This aligns with established digital literacy thinking that treats educator capacity-building as a high-priority societal responsibility rather than an individual burden [S65]. Recent education-focused analysis similarly argues that adaptation to AI requires institutional backing for teachers, support for parents and students, and realistic recognition that readiness cannot be assumed [S55] [S56].
The panel broadly agreed that youth participation should be institutionalised over the next five years through formal mechanisms, transparency and resources. Pedro asked the panellists to imagine concrete bodies, frameworks and benchmarks for youth participation within five years . Emaan proposed mandatory youth participation in international reporting processes and an independent youth-run digital commission in Pakistan backed by state resources . Addie proposed transparent participatory systems and independent evaluations showing whether AI tools meet public needs . Vasileios agreed on the need for more funding, stronger follow-through, impact-driven participation and AI literacy embedded in institutions .
Youth participation should be mandatory in international digital rights reporting, and Pakistan should develop an independent youth-run digital commission with state support (Ms. Emaan Yasin Malik)
Governments should create transparent participatory systems through which people, including youth, can state what they want from AI and see independent evaluations of whether systems meet those needs (Ms. Addie Achan)
More funding, stronger follow-through and deeply embedded AI literacy are necessary so institutions consistently include youth in decision-making rather than using symbolic participation (Mr. Vasileios Rovilos)
The closing exercise invites the panel to imagine what bodies, frameworks and benchmarks for youth participation should exist within five years (Dr. Pedro dos Santos Maia)
This has clear policy precedent in UN and multilateral practice, where formal youth participation mechanisms already include national youth councils, youth parliaments, technical working groups, youth ombudsperson roles, and youth participation in official delegations [S53]. Comparable digital governance discussions have also proposed formalising youth seats, advisory platforms, internships, and participatory structures to ensure sustained influence rather than ad hoc consultation [S54] [S64].
Both speakers argued that governance should begin from the experiences and knowledge of local communities. Emaan focused on documenting harms affecting Pakistan's Christian community and building complaint and policy pathways from that evidence . Addie similarly argued that collecting community inputs and turning them into benchmarks and evaluations is the route to trust and accountable deployment . All three shared the view that CSO evidence work is valuable but currently weakened by fragmentation and insufficient support. Emaan highlighted siloed donor-driven work and the need for collaboration . Addie said too much is happening in isolation and that CSOs can feed evidence into larger institutional systems . Vasileios added that evidence and infrastructure must be joined through common taxonomy and integrity to avoid fragmentation . Addie and Vasileios strongly aligned in rejecting token youth participation. Addie distinguished between tokenism and youth-initiated shared decision-making and argued that youth must have authority that genuinely affects outcomes . Vasileios similarly criticised tokenisation, said youth are structurally distant from decision-making, and stressed early inclusion, influence and follow-through . These speakers shared a practical concern with how youth are actually reached. Emaan stressed inequalities between elite and underprivileged students, language barriers, and misconceptions that only coders can participate in governance . Vasileios complemented this by saying youth are among the most exposed to AI systems yet remain structurally distant from decision-making, so they must be brought in proactively . There was clear alignment that adults around young people are not yet fully prepared for AI, and that support systems are needed. The audience directly raised the issue of whether parents and teachers are equipped . Addie answered that they are not automatically equipped because AI is new . Emaan said they are willing to engage if given accessible and localised resources . Vasileios added that schools should be a top-tier AI literacy priority because children are already using AI without adult supervision .
Although the panel was framed around AI governance, the discussion converged unexpectedly strongly on schools, parents, teachers and literacy as core governance concerns. Pedro's questioning opened space for this by linking youth participation to broader informed participation . The audience then pushed the issue directly . Addie, Emaan and Vasileios all treated educational readiness as central to governance effectiveness rather than peripheral .
Despite coming from different institutional standpoints, the speakers converged on the importance of evidence rooted in real-world impacts. Emaan approached this through minority harm documentation and complaint systems , Addie through community inputs and independent evaluation , and Vasileios through operational evidence inventories such as risk and controls libraries . This shared emphasis across rights-based, community and compliance-oriented perspectives was a notable area of consensus.
The speakers did not stop at calling for more youth inclusion; they converged on the stronger claim that participation must affect power and outcomes. Emaan pointed to structural barriers that must be removed before youth can participate meaningfully . Addie explicitly invoked the difference between tokenism and shared decision-making . Vasileios echoed this by criticising tokenisation and demanding early inclusion, influence and follow-through .
The strongest areas of agreement were that AI governance must be more inclusive, evidence-based and operational; that CSOs and affected communities should play a larger role in producing evidence; that youth participation must be meaningful rather than tokenistic; and that AI literacy for schools, parents and educators is now a core governance requirement rather than a secondary issue .
All three speakers supported inclusive AI governance, but they advanced different primary mechanisms. Emaan prioritised documenting harms experienced by marginalised communities and creating complaint and referral pathways into human rights institutions . Addie prioritised collecting community inputs and converting them into benchmarks and independent AI evaluations to rebuild trust around deployment . Vasileios prioritised translating regulation into operational governance through risk libraries, controls libraries and mitigation techniques that can support accountability structures . These are not mutually exclusive, but they reflect different views on what the most immediate governance lever should be.
Community-centred harm documentation and complaint pathways for minority groups to feed AI policy and accountability (Ms. Emaan Yasin Malik)
Local evidence plus evaluation infrastructure can rebuild trust and help communities assess AI systems before and during deployment (Ms. Addie Achan)
Operational governance needs risk libraries, control libraries and mitigation tools that translate regulation into practical accountability structures (Mr. Vasileios Rovilos)
This disagreement maps onto wider governance tensions between human rights accountability frameworks that stress oversight, redress, and clear rules [S50], bottom-up community governance models centred on locally owned evidence and participatory decision-making [S57], and more compliance-oriented approaches focused on embedding safeguards, transparency, and explainability into systems and institutions [S52].
When asked how CSOs could participate more actively in expert-led AI governance, Emaan stressed that CSOs in Pakistan face donor-driven, short-cycle funding and siloed work, so collaboration and some supporting body are needed to help them build evidence capacity . Addie argued that CSOs can gather evidence and then plug it into existing infrastructure, using the New Zealand example to show how independent curation can connect with state-backed institutional protections . Vasileios rejected an either/or framing and instead emphasised combining independence, evidence integrity and common taxonomies to avoid fragmentation across CSOs and regulators . The disagreement lies in the institutional remedy each treats as most important.
In Pakistan and similar contexts, CSOs struggle to build evidence infrastructure because funding is short-term, donor-driven, repetitive and siloed, so stronger collaboration and support bodies are needed (Ms. Emaan Yasin Malik)
CSOs can collect valuable community evidence and connect it to state or institutional infrastructure, but there must also be broader recognition of what counts as evidence (Ms. Addie Achan)
AI governance should not treat infrastructure and evidence as separate choices; CSO independence, evidence integrity and a common taxonomy are all needed to avoid fragmentation and improve influence (Mr. Vasileios Rovilos)
Relevant external context shows multiple recognised pathways: formal support and participation mechanisms for underrepresented constituencies [S53], integration of stakeholder input into national and multilateral policy structures [S52] [S62], and collaborative multistakeholder models that depend on coordination and shared frameworks rather than fragmented engagement [S58] [S59].
In the forward-looking exercise, Emaan proposed mandatory youth participation in international reporting processes and an independent youth-run digital commission in Pakistan supported by the state . Addie proposed transparent participatory voting systems paired with independent evaluations and objective scores showing whether AI systems meet public needs . Vasileios instead focused on more funding, stronger follow-through, strengthened rights and deeply embedded AI literacy in institutional practice so youth inclusion becomes impact-driven rather than symbolic . They agreed on the need for stronger youth influence, but differed on the institutional design that should deliver it.
Youth participation should be mandatory in international digital rights reporting, and Pakistan should develop an independent youth-run digital commission with state support (Ms. Emaan Yasin Malik)
Governments should create transparent participatory systems through which people, including youth, can state what they want from AI and see independent evaluations of whether systems meet those needs (Ms. Addie Achan)
More funding, stronger follow-through and deeply embedded AI literacy are necessary so institutions consistently include youth in decision-making rather than using symbolic participation (Mr. Vasileios Rovilos)
This has direct policy background in existing models for institutionalising youth participation, including youth councils, youth parliaments, technical working groups, youth ombudspersons, and participation in official delegations [S53]. Digital governance examples add further options such as formal youth seats, internships in policy offices, and regional advisory platforms, showing that the disagreement concerns model choice rather than whether institutionalisation is needed [S54] [S64].
Asked about the possibility of highly advanced AI arriving before 2030, Addie responded by stressing that even if models become more capable, governance will still need to address human impacts and perspectives, and youth will remain important participants in that process . Vasileios took a more regulatory and incremental approach, stressing that governments should proceed step by step, set common expectations, and recognise that AGI may challenge human oversight and existing regulatory assumptions . The difference is between a more human-centred continuity view and a more cautious, institutionally sequenced governance response.
Youth should have meaningful authority rather than token roles, because their perspective is distinct and especially relevant to long-term impacts such as environmental and social effects (Ms. Addie Achan)
More funding, stronger follow-through and deeply embedded AI literacy are necessary so institutions consistently include youth in decision-making rather than using symbolic participation (Mr. Vasileios Rovilos)
This reflects a well-established policy debate over how much emphasis governance should place on long-term existential risks versus immediate and mid-term harms. A recognised framing distinguishes short-term known risks, mid-term concentration risks, and long-term unknown risks, while cautioning that public debate has often over-focused on extinction scenarios at the expense of present governance needs [S51].
On intergenerational dialogue and education, Addie said teachers and parents are not currently equipped, and because AI expertise is not age-based, governance should reflect shared participation rather than assume adults are the natural arbiters . Emaan emphasised willingness and demand from teachers and parents, arguing that what is needed is free, practical, language-appropriate curriculum and workshop support . Vasileios went further in making AI literacy a policy obligation, arguing from the example of his niece using Claude unsupervised that schools and educators should be a top-tier priority within public-law style AI literacy expectations . The disagreement is about the primary frame: equal intergenerational participation, practical resource provision, or formal institutional obligation.
Because AI is new, expertise is not simply age-based; parents and teachers are not automatically equipped, which strengthens the case for shared participation across generations (Ms. Addie Achan)
Teachers, parents and students are willing to engage with AI, but they need free, accessible and language-appropriate curricula and workshop resources to do so effectively (Ms. Emaan Yasin Malik)
AI literacy should be a priority obligation for schools and educators, since young people are already using AI tools without adult supervision or institutional readiness (Mr. Vasileios Rovilos)
External sources support both sides of this tension. One strand frames digital and AI literacy as a broad societal responsibility involving users, families, educators, and institutions [S55] [S64] [S65]. Another gives schools and educators a particularly central role, arguing that educator capacity and institutional support are prerequisites for effective adaptation to AI in education [S55] [S56] [S65].
This difference was unexpected because the panel was otherwise highly aligned. In response to the audience question on highly advanced AI, Addie suggested that even with more capable systems, governance would still fundamentally turn on human perspectives and impacts . Vasileios instead emphasised regulatory sequencing, common expectations and the possibility that AGI could unsettle core assumptions such as human oversight, calling for a step-by-step approach . The disagreement is subtle but notable because it concerns how much present governance should adapt to speculative capability jumps.
This divergence was unexpected because both supported intergenerational learning. Addie stressed that AI expertise is not naturally located in adults and therefore governance should not default to teacher- or parent-led authority . Vasileios, while agreeing that adults are not ready, drew a stronger policy conclusion: schools and educators should be a top-tier priority under AI literacy obligations because children are already using AI tools without supervision . The disagreement concerns institutional hierarchy rather than ultimate goals.
The discussion contained low to moderate disagreement. The speakers were strongly aligned on the broad goals of inclusive AI governance, stronger evidence, more meaningful youth participation, and better AI literacy . Most differences concerned strategy and institutional design rather than underlying principles: Emaan leaned towards community-centred harm documentation, human rights redress and formal youth mandates ; Addie leaned towards participatory evidence, independent evaluation and trust-building mechanisms ; Vasileios leaned towards operational governance tooling, shared taxonomies, funding, follow-through and institutionalised literacy obligations .
The speakers agreed that evidence and collaboration are essential for meaningful CSO participation in AI governance. Emaan highlighted funding constraints, duplicated projects and siloed data collection, arguing for stronger collaboration and support structures . Addie agreed that collaboration is crucial, but placed more emphasis on CSOs feeding evidence into existing infrastructure and broadening what counts as evidence . Vasileios agreed on access to evidence and collaboration, but insisted that a common taxonomy and evidence integrity are equally necessary to avoid fragmentation . They shared the same goal but proposed different routes to it.
In Pakistan and similar contexts, CSOs struggle to build evidence infrastructure because funding is short-term, donor-driven, repetitive and siloed, so stronger collaboration and support bodies are needed (Ms. Emaan Yasin Malik) CSOs can collect valuable community evidence and connect it to state or institutional infrastructure, but there must also be broader recognition of what counts as evidence (Ms. Addie Achan) AI governance should not treat infrastructure and evidence as separate choices; CSO independence, evidence integrity and a common taxonomy are all needed to avoid fragmentation and improve influence (Mr. Vasileios Rovilos)
All three speakers agreed that youth participation must be meaningful rather than symbolic. Emaan stressed barriers of access, language and misconceptions about coding, and advocated rights-based and local-language educational pathways . Addie argued that youth should have genuine authority and explicitly contrasted meaningful participation with tokenism . Vasileios likewise criticised tokenisation and argued for early inclusion, influence and follow-through because youth are already heavily exposed to AI systems . They agreed on the goal of meaningful youth participation, but differed over whether the main route is literacy and inclusion, participatory authority, or institutional timing and follow-through.
Youth participation must account for inequality in access, language and literacy; many students do not know they can shape AI governance without being coders, so rights-based education and local-language resources are essential (Ms. Emaan Yasin Malik) Youth should have meaningful authority rather than token roles, because their perspective is distinct and especially relevant to long-term impacts such as environmental and social effects (Ms. Addie Achan) Young people are structurally distant from decision-making even though they are heavily exposed to AI systems, so they must be included early, given influence and supported through follow-through (Mr. Vasileios Rovilos)
The speakers agreed that teachers and parents are not yet fully prepared to support young people on AI issues. Addie said they are not equipped because AI is a new skill set, and therefore youth should have an equal voice in shared governance . Emaan emphasised that adults are willing and eager to engage, but need accessible and local-language materials and support . Vasileios agreed that institutional readiness is lacking, but framed the response more strongly as an AI literacy obligation for schools and educators . The common goal is stronger intergenerational capacity, but the means differ.
Because AI is new, expertise is not simply age-based; parents and teachers are not automatically equipped, which strengthens the case for shared participation across generations (Ms. Addie Achan) Teachers, parents and students are willing to engage with AI, but they need free, accessible and language-appropriate curricula and workshop resources to do so effectively (Ms. Emaan Yasin Malik) AI literacy should be a priority obligation for schools and educators, since young people are already using AI tools without adult supervision or institutional readiness (Mr. Vasileios Rovilos)
- Inclusive AI governance requires concrete, participatory mechanisms rather than abstract principles alone. The panel highlighted community harm documentation, complaint pathways, independent evaluations, risk libraries and control libraries as practical governance tools.
- Evidence and infrastructure were treated as foundational to trustworthy AI governance. Community evidence must be collected, translated into usable governance tools and connected to accountability structures.
- Civil society organisations have an essential role in identifying harms and producing evidence, but many lack funding, stable infrastructure, data access and coordination, especially in Pakistan and similar Global South contexts.
- Collaboration across CSOs, governments, regulators, youth groups and communities was repeatedly identified as necessary to avoid siloed work, fragmented standards and weak influence in policy processes.
- Current AI governance is often exclusionary. In practice, women, religious minorities, lower-income groups and non-English-speaking communities are frequently left out of consultation, technical participation and policy design.
- The panel stressed that AI governance should recognise multiple forms of evidence, including community experience and lived harms, not only technical or corporate metrics.
- Youth participation must be meaningful rather than symbolic. Young people should have actual influence over decisions, be involved early and be included in follow-up and feedback loops.
- AI literacy is a major governance issue. Many young people, teachers and parents are not adequately equipped, and local-language, accessible and free educational resources are needed.
- The discussion underscored that young people are already heavily exposed to AI systems in education, online platforms and future labour markets, making their participation in governance especially urgent.
- The panel argued that many organisations are already using AI without adequate governance capacity, creating a dangerous gap between adoption and oversight.
- There was a strong call for governance models that are locally grounded and do not simply export US or Californian assumptions into other settings.
- Looking ahead five years, participants envisaged stronger youth-centred structures such as mandatory youth inclusion in reporting processes, independent evaluations of AI systems, dedicated youth bodies and more embedded AI literacy obligations.
“Emaan Yasin Malik described how a youth tech hackathon in Pakistan received applications almost entirely from young Muslim men, with very low participation from women and none from Hindu, Christian or Sikh communities, and linked this exclusion to concerns about the legitimacy of Pakistan's national AI policy consultation process.”
“Emaan Yasin Malik explained that her project begins with documenting harms faced by Pakistan's Christian community, including deepfakes leading to blasphemy allegations, incitement, mob violence and arrests, before building referral pathways and multilingual resources.”
“Addie Achan framed her approach with the equation 'evidence plus infrastructure equals trust'.”
“Addie Achan warned that 'AI for good' may be deploying technologies developed with California or US biases into other communities in the name of doing good, but without the necessary guardrails.”
“Emaan Yasin Malik argued that in South Asia it is very difficult for CSOs to build their own evidence infrastructures because work is donor-funded, funding cycles are short, projects are repetitive, and organisations often work in silos.”
“Addie Achan offered the example of Māori communities in New Zealand building speech recognition for their language, with a CSO curating the data and the government placing it in a trust so it benefits the people and is protected from surveillance or extractive commercial use.”
“Vasileios Rovilos said the issue should not be framed as 'either infrastructure or access to evidence' but as 'and', warning that without a common taxonomy and language across CSOs and regulators there is a risk of a 'Tower of Babel situation'.”
“Emaan Yasin Malik described trying to explain AI in Urdu as 'nakli akal', or 'fake knowledge', and noted that students found it frightening, while many also assume they need to know coding in order to have a say in governance.”
“Addie Achan drew on Roger Hart's ladder of children's participation, contrasting tokenism with youth-initiated and shared decision-making, and asked whether youth presence changes outcomes or is merely performative.”
“Vasileios Rovilos argued that youth participation must be proactive and pre-emptive, not introduced after decisions are already predetermined, and stressed that young people are among those most subjected to AI tools through proctoring, phones and hiring systems.”
“Emaan Yasin Malik proposed that youth participation should be mandatory in digital-related international reporting processes, including UN mechanisms, so that states are compelled to provide evidence of what young people are saying.”
“Addie Achan said she would like to see a participatory voting system for people to express what they want from AI tools in their lives, combined with transparent objective scores from independent evaluations rather than company-led assessments.”
“In response to the audience, Addie Achan said she does not think teachers and parents are currently equipped to teach AI, and that expertise in this area has very little to do with age because the technology is so new.”
“Vasileios Rovilos recounted that his niece was using Claude for homework and told him her teachers did not know, using this to argue that educators should be a top-tier priority for AI literacy obligations.”
How can concrete tools and mechanisms be built to ensure more plural and democratic participation of civil society and other parts of society in AI governance?
This is the central governance question of the discussion. It is important because inclusive participation determines whether AI governance reflects affected communities rather than only technical or corporate actors.
How can harms faced by marginalised religious communities in Pakistan from AI-facilitated violence, including deepfakes and blasphemy-related incitement, be documented effectively?
This is important because evidence of harm is needed to design protections, complaint pathways and policy interventions for communities currently excluded from AI governance.
How can complaint and referral pathways be designed so that institutions are equipped to handle AI-related human rights complaints from vulnerable communities?
This matters because documenting harms alone is insufficient unless institutions can receive, process and remedy complaints in practice.
How can AI governance resources be created in local languages such as Urdu and Punjabi so affected communities can participate meaningfully?
Language accessibility is essential for inclusion, especially where technical governance debates are otherwise limited to elite or English-speaking groups.
How can local communities evaluate and govern AI systems entering their contexts, rather than having externally developed systems imposed on them?
This is important because local evaluation can reveal bias, misalignment and lack of trust in AI systems deployed in the name of public benefit.
How should community inputs be converted into practical governance infrastructure such as benchmarks and AI evaluations?
This is a key research and implementation gap because community knowledge must be translated into operational tools if it is to shape deployment decisions.
How can operational AI governance infrastructures such as risk libraries, control libraries and mitigation techniques be co-shaped with stakeholders to strengthen accountability?
This matters because governance principles require practical implementation tools and evidence trails to become enforceable and auditable.
Do civil society organisations need independent evidence infrastructure to shape AI decision-making, or are there alternative ways to translate their knowledge into existing AI governance frameworks?
This is important because the answer affects whether AI governance should prioritise building new independent institutions, adapting existing ones, or combining both approaches.
How can civil society organisations collaborate more effectively rather than duplicating data collection and working in silos?
This is important because fragmented efforts weaken evidence quality, reduce efficiency and make it harder to influence policy and regulation.
What funding models could support longer-term civil society and youth participation in AI governance, especially in donor-dependent environments such as Pakistan?
Sustainable financing is crucial because short funding cycles prevent the development of durable evidence infrastructure, collaboration and youth engagement.
How can access to fragmented government-held datasets be improved for public-interest AI governance and rights-based use cases?
Data access is a major practical barrier to oversight, accountability and socially beneficial AI applications such as child protection systems.
What governance models can protect community-owned data, such as indigenous or minority language data, from surveillance or exploitative commercial use?
This is important because communities need mechanisms to retain control over valuable data while still enabling beneficial uses.
What should count as valid evidence in AI governance, particularly when civil society lacks the resources available to commercial AI actors?
Defining evidence standards is essential to ensure that community-based and public-interest evidence is recognised in governance processes.
How can common taxonomies or shared languages be developed so civil society organisations and regulators can communicate without fragmentation?
A shared vocabulary is important because fragmented terminology can prevent evidence from being compared, aggregated or translated into policy action across jurisdictions.
How can AI governance better mirror meaningful youth participation rather than treating young people as symbolic participants?
This is important because young people are major subjects of AI systems and will live longest with their consequences, yet are often excluded from decision-making.
Do young people need participation mechanisms different from those used for experts, and if so what should those mechanisms look like?
This matters because expert-led participation models may not be accessible or meaningful for youth, especially across different educational and socioeconomic contexts.
How can AI governance and AI literacy be explained to students in local languages and in ways that do not assume coding knowledge?
This is important because many students may otherwise believe they are unqualified to participate in governance debates about technologies that affect them directly.
How can universities, schools and national human rights institutions be used to build sustained youth engagement in AI and rights-based governance?
These institutions may provide durable entry points for participation, curriculum and accountability, especially in countries where dedicated AI governance structures are limited.
How can youth participation be assessed using a spectrum from tokenism to shared decision-making, and how can governance processes move towards the higher end of that spectrum?
This is important because many participation initiatives appear inclusive but give young people little real authority or influence over outcomes.
How can locally deployed AI systems incorporate proactive and continuous feedback loops from the young people most affected by them?
This matters because governance needs not just initial consultation but ongoing mechanisms to capture lived impacts and adapt systems accordingly.
What bodies, frameworks or benchmarks should exist within five years to institutionalise youth participation in AI governance?
This forward-looking question is important because it shifts the discussion from principles to concrete institutional design and measurable goals.
Should youth participation in digital and AI-related international reporting processes be made mandatory, including across UN treaty reporting cycles?
This is important because mandatory participation could compel states to gather and report evidence of youth perspectives rather than treating them as optional.
Could an independent youth-run digital commission be created in Pakistan, supported by state resources but self-governed?
This proposal is significant because it suggests a concrete institutional model for embedding youth leadership in digital rights and AI governance.
How could transparent participatory voting systems and independent evaluations be designed so communities, including young people, can express what they want from AI tools and assess whether those tools meet those needs?
This is important because it offers a practical mechanism for democratic input and accountability that is not controlled by AI companies themselves.
How should AI governance prepare for the possible arrival of AGI before 2030, and what role should young people play in governing it?
This is important because more advanced AI could strain existing governance frameworks, making questions of oversight, participation and human control more urgent.
How can intergenerational dialogue on AI be fostered in practice?
This matters because effective governance requires cooperation between young people and older generations rather than assuming either group can address AI challenges alone.
Are teachers and parents equipped to teach and guide the next generation on AI, and if not how can they be upskilled?
This is important because educators and parents are key intermediaries in AI literacy, but may currently lack the knowledge, training and resources to play that role well.
How should AI literacy obligations apply to schools, educators and public bodies, rather than focusing mainly on corporate deployers?
This is significant because current literacy efforts may overlook the public institutions shaping how children and young people encounter AI in daily life.
